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\title{Focalization in Musey}
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             \author[1]{Brahim  Adam}

             \affil[1]{  University of Maroua}

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\date{\small \em Received: 12 September 2021 Accepted: 3 October 2021 Published: 15 October 2021}

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\begin{abstract}
        


In this paper, we tackle the focalization in musey language. We analyze musey data in terms of Kayne?s (1994) Antisymmetry. We uncover two focusing strategies (à la clause final comp and clause initial comp): the one sets the focused constituent at the end of the clause and the other moves the focused constituent to the beginning of the clause. In the focalization à la clause final comp, we observe two movements. The first moves the focused constituent from its initial position to the Specifier of the Focus Phrase. The second brings the rest of the clause to the Specifier of the Cleft Phrase. As regards the focalization à la clause initial comp, we observe one movement which goes from the initial position of focused constituent to the Specifier of the Focus Phrase.

\end{abstract}


\keywords{focalization, musey, antisymmetry, focus phrase, cleft phrase.}

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\let\tabcellsep& 	 	 		 
\section[{Introduction}]{Introduction}\par
ince \hyperref[b5]{Chomsky (1973}\hyperref[b6]{Chomsky ( , 1977}\hyperref[b7]{Chomsky ( , 1986a))}, it is known that some syntactic constituents move from their initial position to a higher position. For example,  {\ref Chomsky (1986)} indicates that when a head is merged, movement into its specifier is obligatory. It is observed that movement goes always to the left. \hyperref[b8]{Kayne (1994)} maintains that all movement must be leftward. It is what is known as Antisymmetry. This viewpoint was based on Indo-European languages analysis: English and Italian. However, some African languages seem to reject the left condition. Some moved constituents are rightward at the surface structure. For example, we can notice musgum language in which focused constituents and negation markers occupy the end of the clause \hyperref[b2]{(Brahim, 2018 and}\hyperref[b3]{2021}). We want to analyze the focalization in mosey language which is spoken in Chad and Cameroon. The main question is to know whether the musey focusing strategies allow for \hyperref[b8]{Kayne's (1994)} left condition. We organize this work in four sections. The first section is interested in mosey language family and words order. The second section tackles the focalization. The third section studies features checking and movement triggers. The last section approaches the semantic contents of functional heads. 
\section[{a) Musey Language Family and Words Order}]{a) Musey Language Family and Words Order}\par
Musey is a chadic language from afro-asiatic family. Its words order is SVO:\par
(1) Sinà u viná zúm zoyrà.\par
Dog and monkey plow + perf. groundnuts "The dog and the monkey plowed groundnuts."\par
In this structure, we have the subject sinà u viná (the dog and the monkey), the verb zúm (plowed) and the object zoyrà (groundnuts). 
\section[{b) Focalization}]{b) Focalization}\par
Let us consider the following musey basic structure:\par
(2) Aikomu hí É?"usla ma? Sukasya ká'à. Aikomu give + perf. cow to Sukasya yesterday "Aikomu gave a cow to Sukasya yesterday."\par
This sentence has the subject Aikomu, the verb hí (gave), the direct object É?"usla (a cow), the indirect object ma? Sukasya (to Sukasya) and time circumstantial complement ká'à (yesterday). Excepting the verb, all the other functions can be focalized. 
\section[{i. Focalization à la clause final comp}]{i. Focalization à la clause final comp}\par
This focusing strategy brings the focused constituent at the end of the clause. Let us observe the following structures:\par
(3) a.\par
Give + perf. cow to Sukasya yesterday Foc Aikomu In the first structure (3a), the focused constituent is Aikomu. It is preceded by focus marker ni. The focused constituent concludes the clause. In the second structure (3b), the focused constituent is É?"usla (a cow). It is also preceded by focus marker ni. Focused constituent closes the clause. In the following structure (3c), we focalize the prepositional phrase ma? Sukasya (to Sukasya). It is preceded by the focus marker ni. In the last structure (3d), the focused constituent is the verb ká'à (yesterday). It is preceded by the focus marker ni and ends the clause.\par
We notice that one of the focusing strategies in musey language moves constituents from their basic positions to the end of the clause. The focused constituents occupy a low position. This fact seems to reject  {\ref Kayne's (1994: 4)} Antisymmetry Condition:\par
If syntactic theory allowed lowering a phrase to a position ccommanded by the original position, such movement would have to be rightward. If lowerings are not available at all, as  {\ref Chomsky's (1993)} proposals would lead one to expect then that possibility can be set aside.\par
Then,  {\ref Kayne (1994: 4)} defends the "Antisymmetric prohibition against right-hand specifiers": "All movement must be leftward".\par
As from this fact, we can think that in the surface structure, the focused constituent occupies a low position but in the deep structure, it is a high position. Let us observe the following tree representation of (3a): Foc° IP\par
[+Foc] Spec I'[+EPP] I° VP V' AdvP V' PP Adv°V ' NP V° N°N i Aikomu 
\section[{It is Aikomu}]{It is Aikomu}\par
We notice that the focus marker ni (it is) is generated in the Cleft Phrase (CleftP) head. This fact can be accounted for by \hyperref[b9]{Koopman (2000)}, \hyperref[b1]{Biloa (2012b)} and \hyperref[b2]{Brahim (2018)} viewpoints. \hyperref[b9]{Koopman (2000)} suggests that if the Focus Phrase cannot accommodate the focus marker or if the focus marker precedes the focus constituent, it occupies a higher position that she calls: YP. Biloa (2012b) and \hyperref[b2]{Brahim (2018)} state that this position is Cleft Phrase (CleftP).\par
The focused constituent Aikomu moves from Spec-IP position to Spec-Foc. FocP head is only endowed with implicit features [+Foc] and  {\ref [+EPP]}. After the first movement of the focused constituent, IP goes to Spec-Cleft. It is what is known in the literature as heavy pied-piping (see \hyperref[b10]{Nkemnji, 1995)}. This latter raising movement is called remnant movement (den  {\ref Besten and Webelhut, 1987;}\hyperref[b4]{Cecchetto, 2004)}.\par
The focusing strategy à la clause final comp is not specific to musey language. It is found in musgum, another Chadic language mainly spoken in Cameroon and Chad:\par
(5) À sà yém gírná á Sali SM drink + perf. water today Foc Sali .  {\ref (Brahim, 2018:195}  In the first structure (6a), the focused constituent is Aikomu. It is preceded by focus marker ni (it is). We notice that the focused constituent is at the beginning of the sentence. In the second structure (6b), the focused constituent is É?"usla (a cow). It is preceded by ni and begins the sentence. In the following structure (6c), the focused constituent is the Preposition Phrase ma? Sukasya (to Sukasya). It is preceded by focus marker ni and starts the sentence. In the last structure (6d), the focused constituent is ká'à (yesterday). It is preceded by focus marker ni and also begins the clause.\par
In the focusing strategy à la clause initial comp, the focused constituent moves from its initial position to a higher position. It occupies Spec-Foc as follows:\par
This diagram represents (6a). We notice that what we call focus marker occupies the head of CleftP seeing that it precedes the focused constituent. The focused constituent Aikomu moves from Spec-IP to Spec-Foc. FocP head is endowed with implicit features [+Foc] and [+EPP].\par
In the focalization à la clause initial comp, we have one movement which raises focused constituent to Spec-FocP. It apparently respects the Left Condition of \hyperref[b8]{Kayne (1994)}. 
\section[{c) Features Checking and Movement Triggers}]{c) Features Checking and Movement Triggers}\par
We previously indicated that the focused constituent à la clause final comp occupies Spec-FocP. We also show that the focused constituent à la clause initial comp occupies the same position. The focused constituent goes to this position by the focalization.  
\section[{Ni Aikomu}]{Ni Aikomu}\par
In the diagram, we notice that Foc and EPP in Foc head attract focused constituent to Spec-FocP.\par
[Foc] and [EPP] are crossed out when this condition is satisfied. Thus, we can say that in (4)', Aikomu moves from Spec-IP to Spec-FocP. The condition of [Foc] and [EPP] features is satisfied. That is why they are crossed out as it is indicated in (4)'.\par
In the focalization à la clause initial comp in mosey, the focused constituent goes to Spec-FocP. But, there is not remnant movement. Let us re-observe (6a) and (  {\ref 7} We also notice that in the focalization à la clause initial comp, [Foc] and [EPP] features trigger the focalization of the subject position Aikomu. 
\section[{d) Semantic Contents of Functional Heads}]{d) Semantic Contents of Functional Heads}\par
In both focusing strategies (à la clause final comp and clause initial comp) in mosey language, the focus marker ni precedes focus constituent. Since it precedes, it moves to a higher position: CleftP-Cleft. The focused constituent occupies Spec-FocP. We identify two functional heads: FocP and CleftP. Which are the semantic contents of these functional heads?\par
In fact, Rizzi and Cinque (2016: 139-157) indicate that the functional elements make up the functional lexicon and they partake in the triggering of syntactic actions: "Functional heads endowed with the appropriate morphosyntactic features trigger syntactic actions" (Rizzi and Cinque, 2016: 141).\par
As for Rizzi and Cinque (2016: 143), "functional structures are richly articulated objects". Their heads are endowed with semantic contents. After analyzing Italian, \hyperref[b12]{Rizzi and Bocci (2015)} bring out a functional sequence in which the criterial positions have a specific order within the Complementizer domain.\par
As we say, the focusing strategies analysis in mosey language revealed the existence of two functional projections in the complementizer field: FocP and CleftP. FocP is already uncovered by \hyperref[b11]{Rizzi (1997)}. CleftP is relatively recent in the specialized literature. Biloa (2012b), for example, talked about it. At the internal interface with meaning, functional heads express how their specifier and complement must be interpreted. Let us comment both heads:\par
. Foc. In musey language, Foc can express new information focus or corrective focus. The focused constituent occupies Spec-FocP. The movement is triggered by [Foc] and [EPP] features that are not expressed phonetically by material element.\par
. Cleft. In mosey language, CleftP head precedes FocP. The interpretation of clause is such that it is the element in Cleft head that is in fact Foc head. CleftP precedes FocP when the focus marker precedes the focused constituent.\par
In focusing strategy à la clause final comp, when the focused constituent merges to Spec-FocP, the rest of the clause is massively pied-piped to Spec-CleftP. Whereas in focusing strategy à la clause initial comp, remnant movement of the rest of the clause does not exist. We also notice that in the focalization à la clause initial comp, [Foc] and [EPP] features trigger the focalization of the subject position Aikomu. 
\section[{e) Semantic Contents of Functional Heads}]{e) Semantic Contents of Functional Heads}\par
In both focusing strategies (à la clause final comp and clause initial comp) in mosey language, the focus marker ni precedes focus constituent. Since it precedes, it moves to a higher position: CleftP-Cleft. The focused constituent occupies Spec-FocP. We identify two functional heads: FocP and CleftP. Which are the semantic contents of these functional heads?\par
In fact, Rizzi and Cinque (2016: 139-157) indicate that the functional elements make up the functional lexicon and they partake in the triggering of syntactic actions: "Functional heads endowed with the appropriate morphosyntactic features trigger syntactic actions" (Rizzi and Cinque, 2016: 141).\par
As for Rizzi and Cinque (2016: 143), "functional structures are richly articulated objects". Their heads are endowed with semantic contents. After analyzing Italian, Rizzi and Bocci (2015) bring out a functional sequence in which the criterial positions have a specific order within the Complementizer domain.\par
As we say, the focusing strategies analysis in mosey language revealed the existence of two functional projections in the complementizer field: FocP and CleftP. FocP is already uncovered by \hyperref[b11]{Rizzi (1997)}. CleftP is relatively recent in the specialized literature. Biloa (2012b), for example, talked about it. At the internal interface with meaning, functional heads express how their specifier and complement must be interpreted. Let us comment both heads: . Foc. In musey language, Foc can express new information focus or corrective focus. The focused\begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{}\includegraphics[]{image-2.png}
\caption{\label{fig_1}}\end{figure}
 \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{} \par 
\begin{longtable}{P{0.4210648148148148\textwidth}P{0.01574074074074074\textwidth}P{0.17708333333333334\textwidth}P{0.08263888888888889\textwidth}P{0.07476851851851851\textwidth}P{0.039351851851851846\textwidth}P{0.035416666666666666\textwidth}P{0.003935185185185185\textwidth}}
\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep (10a))\\
\multicolumn{3}{l}{"It is Sali who drank water today."}\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \\
\multicolumn{2}{l}{ii. (6) a. Ni Aikomu}\tabcellsep hí\tabcellsep \multicolumn{3}{l}{É?"usla ma? Sukasya}\tabcellsep ká.\\
\multicolumn{2}{l}{Foc Aikomu}\tabcellsep \multicolumn{5}{l}{give + perf. cow to Sukasya yesterday}\\
d. Ni\tabcellsep ká'à\tabcellsep Aikomu\tabcellsep hí\tabcellsep \multicolumn{3}{l}{É?"usla ma? Sukasya}\tabcellsep .\\
\multicolumn{5}{l}{Foc yesterday Aikomu give + perf. cow}\tabcellsep \multicolumn{2}{l}{to Sukasya}\end{longtable} \par
  {\small\itshape [Note: "It is Aikomu who gave a cow to Sukasya yesterday." b. Ni É?"usla Aikomu hí Foc cow Aikomu give + perf. to Sukasya yesterday ma? Sukasya ká'à. "It is a cow that Aikomu gave to Sukasya yesterday." c. Ni ma? Sukasya Aikomu hí É?"usla Foc to Sukasya Aikomu give + perf. cow yesterday ká'à. "It is to Sukasya that Aikomu gave a cow yesterday." "It is yesterday that Aikomu gave a cow to Sukasya."]} 
\caption{\label{tab_1}}\end{figure}
 		 		\backmatter  			 \par
Year 2021 constituent occupies Spec-FocP. The movement is triggered by  {\ref [Foc]} and  {\ref [EPP]} features that are not expressed phonetically by material element.\par
. Cleft. In mosey language, CleftP head precedes FocP. The interpretation of clause is such that it is the element in Cleft head that is in fact Foc head. CleftP precedes FocP when the focus marker precedes the focused constituent.\par
In focusing strategy à la clause final comp, when the focused constituent merges to Spec-FocP, the rest of the clause is massively pied-piped to Spec-CleftP.  {\ref Whereas}  In the first structure, we talk about Aikomu who is known. Meanwhile in the second structure, we suppose that there are persons whose name is Aikomu. We identify one we talk about. The complement of Cleft should be interpreted as focus. 
\subsection[{II.}]{II.} 
\subsection[{Conclusion}]{Conclusion}\par
There are two focusing strategies in musey language: à la clause final comp and clause initial comp. the one sets the focused constituent at the end of the clause and the other moves the focused constituent to the beginning of the clause. In the focalization à la clause final comp, we observe two movements. The first moves the focused constituent from its initial position to the Specifier of the Focus Phrase. The second brings the rest of the clause to the Specifier of the Cleft Phrase. As regards the focalization à la clause initial comp, we observe one movement which goes from the initial position of focused constituent to the Specifier of the Focus Phrase. The focused constituent is attracted by Focus Phrase head for checking [Foc] and [EPP] features. So, these features trigger the movement of the focused constituent. We bring out two functional heads: Foc and Cleft. Both heads have semantic contents: Foc expresses new information focus and corrective focus; Cleft should be interpreted as focus.\par
This research concerning musey language enriches the theories about the movement. It shows that the movement is leftward. Deep structure analyzing is important for identifying the real direction of the movement. The study of more African languages can be important for explaining movement theory.			 			  				\begin{bibitemlist}{1}
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