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             \author[1]{Guilherme Babo  Sedlacek}

             \author[2]{Dr. Rodolfo Denk  Neto}

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\date{\small \em Received: 10 September 2021 Accepted: 1 October 2021 Published: 15 October 2021}

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\begin{abstract}
        


This paper presents a working experience with the ethnic-racial relations education, which is a mandatory subject in the Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous History and Culture school curricula. It reports the experience with the theme through a didactic material preparation for technical high school courses. These courses integrated curriculum conception enables one to work in a transversal perspective, aiming at an antiracist education. It presents two approaches, a historical one, regarding racism and slavery, and a philosophical one, concerning the human rights, both within the West of Santa Catarina regional context. It intends to demonstrate that the transversal work is an effective way of researching the ethnicracial relations through intersectionality, contributing to a meaningful research and teaching practice that better shows the living and teaching local reality.Keywords: technical courses integrated to high school. afro-brazilian and indigenous history and culture. human rights.

\end{abstract}


\keywords{technical courses integrated to high school. afro-brazilian and indigenous history and culture. human rights.}

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\let\tabcellsep& 	 	 		 
\section[{Introduction}]{Introduction}\par
ducation for ethnic-racial relations is one of the subjects that have most interested managers, teachers and researchers dedicated to teaching at elementary and secondary levels in Brazil in the 21st century. Social demand posed by black and indigenous movements, materialized in educational legislation through laws No. 10,639/2003 and No. 11,645/2008, the education of ethnic-racial relations presents itself as a privileged theme for the Humanities area. We intend here to share a work experience with this theme in curriculum planning, multidisciplinary research and preparation of teaching material carried out by Human Sciences teachers at the Instituto Federal de Santa Catarina (IFSC) \hyperref[b1]{2} This work was articulated with the construction of an integrated curriculum for the technical courses of the campus, and brings as contributions more expressive the scientific initiation from a transversal -Xanxerê campus. The work was developed from a perspective that proposed to relate the approaches of ethnic-racial relations and the human rights theme through an investigation regarding the African diaspora and Haitian immigration in the West of Santa Catarina state. theme and the development of research on ethnic-racial relations contextualized to the regional reality of the West of Santa Catarina. We believe that reflections on this practical experience can be of great interest for the curriculum construction of managers and teachers, especially those working in other campuses of federal education institutes in the country and in schools adhering to the Novo Ensino Médio -New High School Model. 
\section[{II. Curricular Integration in Human Sciences}]{II. Curricular Integration in Human Sciences}\par
Although by no means a novelty, the integrated curriculum can still be considered an innovative trend in relation to the educational standards prevalent in the country. Since it sees training for work as an "educational principle" that also prepares students for insertion in the market, curricular integration was a privileged model for the organization of technical education in the expansion of the Federal Network of Professional, Scientific and Technological Education, since 2008. Recently, with the Reforma do Ensino Médio -High School Reform (Law nº 13.415/2017), there was a curricular restructuring contemplating the Common National Curricular Base (BNCC) \hyperref[b2]{3} Some obstacles still stand before managers and teachers so that curricular integration can be carried out, such as the unavailability of adequate hours for collective planning and the lack of training for integrated work in undergraduate courses, as well as continuous training for education professionals . Adriano Larentes da Silva (2014, p. 16), points out that the realization of this integration faced many challenges and disputes, such as the need to make a complex and contradictory journey, breaking with the Pedagogy of Competences and investing in the educators training in and the adoption of one of the five possible training itineraries, among which the training technical and professional. Thus, the curricular integration developed in the federal institutions of professional and technological education provides a large and diversified set of experiences that can contribute to public schools that adopt the New High School Model, with general training and technical training focused on performance citizenship and work activity, aiming at an emancipatory education. a way to create conditions for changes in curriculum design and pedagogical practice.\par
It is also important to highlight that there are great possibilities open to teachers and managers of the Federal Network, which would be relevant if they were also placed for schools that adopt the New High School Model. The exclusive dedication regime is predominant and allows some part of the teaching hours to be devoted to the elaboration and execution of teaching, research and extension projects, which also expands the possibilities for a comprehensive education of the high school student, through the extension and scientific initiation. Thus, the low number of hours available to BNCC, compared to traditional high school, could be compensated through the student's role in the projects and the inseparability between teaching, research and extension.\par
At the Xanxerê Campus, teachers in the propaedeutics field have to work with extremely reduced hours, even in comparison to other older IFSC campuses. The minimum necessary for the recognition of courses, according to the National Catalog of Technical Courses, was adopted as a maximum by the institution for the approval of the Technical Courses Integrated to Highschool (Food; Information Technology and Mechanical fields) of the campus. Thus, there are only 2,000 hours for general training courses and 1,200 hours for technical training. Law No. 13,415/2017 defined a limit of 1,800 hours for BNCC in the New High School Model and the remainder for training itineraries, with a minimum total of 3,000 hours. We see that the workloads are very close between Xanxerê Campus model and the reality of those schools that will adopt the New High School with a formative itinerary of technical and professional training.\par
Despite the possibilities opened by teaching, research and extension projects, not all students have the possibility or the interest to participate in them, so that the professors at the Xanxerê Campus still have to make choices in the selection of content and knowledge to be worked with students among the reduced hours of the curricular units. For the Humanities, the total estimated in the Technical Courses Integrated to High School pedagogical projects is 440 hours, divided as follows:\par
1st Year: Philosophy -40h, Geography -80h, History -80h, Sociology -40h; 2nd Year: Philosophy -40h, Geography -40h, History -40h, Sociology -40h; and 3rd Year: Geography -8h, History -8h.\par
In view of this limited time, curricular integration could not take up more time in the curricular organization, and had to be seen as a solution. In addition, if there is already a great difficulty to work with transversal themes in regular High School, in accordance with the National Curriculum Parameters of High School (PCN-EM) \hyperref[b3]{4} This was not intended to ignore the concept of teaching by competencies, deduced from the relationship between results and skills. The National High School Examination (ENEM) , the integration of propaedeutics with technical areas is even more challenging. Hence, it was decided to carry out, first, the Humanities curricular integration as a first step, and then the integration with the rest of the propaedeutic area and the technical areas.\par
Thus, the solution envisioned by the professors responsible for the group of curricular units related to the Human Sciences area (Philosophy, Geography, History and Sociology), when the technical courses pedagogical projects at the Campus Xanxerê were elaborated, was to optimize the short class time, structuring the curriculum based on a concept of integration by themes. The main idea is that the discussions of close contents take place synchronously, to facilitate their consolidation and learning from a transdisciplinary perspective. This also avoids the need for content revisions worked by one discipline when they are demanded also for the other, and allows teachers not to waste time with repetitions. In the second level, the different units sought to integrate content and knowledge through concepts that reinforce interdisciplinarity, while expressing the particularities of philosophical, geographic, historical and sociological knowledge.\par
The first year of the courses has a greater workload than the others and the third year only allows a brief assignment to close and consolidate the course's formative plan in History and Geography. For this reason, two integrating themes were selected for the first year, "Work, technology and culture" and "Power Relations", an integrating theme for the second year, "Inequality and difference", and an integrating theme for the third year, "Ethics and citizenship", the latter worked on Philosophy and Sociology in the second year. From these integrating themes, teachers developed thematic axis to select and organize the contents of their curricular units in each year. Finally, for each discipline, integrating concepts were defined that articulate the thematic axis over the three years, as follows: Philosophy: philosophical anthropology; Geography: production of the geographical space; History: temporalities, ruptures and permanences; and Sociology: interactions and social transformations.\par
constitutes an important exam for access to selection, incentives and admission for the continuing studies at higher level and that is an aspect that inclusive education cannot lose sight of. We just try to avoid the notion of competence (know-how) as the curriculum guiding model, valuing other options of training itineraries that were in agreement with the PCN-EM. In addition to the integration of knowledge areas by competencies, this document determines that teaching work in all areas must contemplate six transversal themes (Cultural plurality; Work; Ethics and Politics; Citizenship and Human Rights; Environment; Sexual orientation). The integrating themes of the Human Sciences curriculum group were defined based on these transversal themes, the specificities of this area of knowledge and the technical areas of the courses. 
\section[{III. Researching Ethnic-Racial Relations}]{III. Researching Ethnic-Racial Relations}\par
and Human Rights as a Curricular Integration Project\par
Once the work of planning an integrated curriculum was carried out, it was necessary to start research on integrating themes and the didactic support materials development to work on this curriculum. Within the integrative theme "Work, technology and culture", the sub-themes "ethnic-racial relations" and "special education" were defined as the first experience for transdisciplinary research and teaching materials development . Law nº 10.639, from January 9, 2003, and Law nº 11.645, of March 10, 2008, changed Law nº 9.394/1996, or Law of Guidelines and Bases of National Education (LDB), to include in the curriculum the mandatory theme "History and Afro-Brazilian and Indigenous Culture". This brought a centrality to the teaching of ethnic-racial relations, as a kind of new transversal theme for basic education, which could be used as a main perspective to discuss labor relations, technological production and cultural plurality in a critical way, deconstructing prejudices and highlighting social inequalities.\par
Recently, another important measure for the reality of the Federal School Network was the signing, in 2016, of the National University Pact for the Promotion of Respect for Diversity, the Culture of Peace and Human Rights. Thus, human rights education also had to be added to the curriculum in the courses of institutions that signed the pact, such as the IFSC. A cross-cutting theme foreseen by the PCN-EM was incorporated into all courses curricula, from initial training to postgraduation.\par
It was then decided to develop a research project applied to the teaching of ethnic-racial relations and human rights, bringing together the four professors of Human Sciences and four scholarship students. The research projects were approved in the IFSC's internal notices -PROPPI/DAE n ° 20/2017 and n ° 34/2017 -"Research as an educational principle", being developed between August 2017 and July 2018. Thus, the integrating theme "Work, technology and culture" started to be researched from the sub-themes "ethnicracial relations", and "special education" so that the didactic materials elaboration was carried out from an intersectional perspective. The work unfolded in a didactic material in which we propose a reflection on ethnic-racial relations by studying the concept of intersectionality history, associated with black feminism and the concept of place of speech \hyperref[b7]{6} Research as a scientific and educational principle is part of every emancipatory process, in which the self-sufficient, critical and self-critical historical subject is built, participant and able to react against the situation of an object and not to cultivate the other as an object. Research as dialogue is a daily process that is part of the rhythm of life, a product and a reason for social interests in conflict, the basis of learning that is not restricted to mere reproduction. In the simplest sense, it can mean know and know . Following the definition of Dayane Assis (2019, p. 18): a) intersectionality is one of the possible theoretical and methodological tools to understand the multiple oppressions; b) intersectionality does not establish a hierarchy or sum of oppressions; c) the place of speech of each individual is multi-referenced from their experiences. (own translation)\par
In addition to intersectionality, we were also guided by a conception of research as an educational principle. According to Demo (2006,  In addition, we sought to develop an aesthetics of sensitivity that encourages cultural plurality and respect for differences appreciation through the teaching of ethnic-racial relations theme. Thus, the research focused on the identities and cultural traditions of Western Santa Catarina and the ethnic and socioeconomic profiles of the municipalities population in the area covered by the campus, as well as a deficiencies mapping in the region. The aim was to develop teaching strategies and teaching materials for education for ethnic-racial relations in a contextualized way to the demands and peculiarities of the regional community.\par
public policies and there is a great amount of prejudice against these cultures by the non-indigenous people in the region. It is also worth noting that ethnic-racial relations also permeate the actions of inclusion of Haitian immigrants and their descendants in Western Santa Catarina, the main portion of black population in this region. Some initiatives had already been designed to bring the campus closer to these communities. The History teacher acted as an instructor for Kaingang and Guarani teachers in the Indigenous Knowledge at School Action, coordinated by the Museum of Archeology and Ethnology at the Federal University of Santa Catarina (MArqueE/UFSC). This put him in contact with teachers and elders from the villages of Western Santa Catarina and allowed the development of extension actions at the Xanxerê Campus with their participation, such as traditional kaingang food workshops for students of the Technical Course in Food Integrated to High School and lectures with indigenous teachers for campus students. Language and Human Sciences teachers had also organized an Initial and Continuing Education (FIC \hyperref[b9]{8} For the research conduction, each of the professors of Human Sciences determined a research ) course called "Portuguese Language and Brazilian Culture for Foreigners" to meet the demand of the Association of Haitians in Xanxerê. This allowed teachers to exchange with the Haitian community and get to know the reality of immigrants better, deconstructing stereotypes reinforced by the media.\par
The experience of working with the Kaingang and Guarani indigenous communities and Haitian immigrants brought the opportunity for teachers and scholarship students involved in the project to research in a regionally contextualized way the teaching of ethnicracial relations based on the integrative theme "Work, technology and culture ". There were training meetings with the four professors in the Humanities area and the four scholarship students who had the objective of looking for points of convergence between the debates of the different curricular units, structuring the curricular plans and selecting content to be worked on in the 1st year of the Integrated Technical Courses to High School and choose case studies that would be used in the multidisciplinary teaching material developed for the thematic axis. Thus, research was important as an educational principle for the training of scholarship holders and teachers in the Humanities area in a multidisciplinary way, having made important advances in theoretical reflection and in the elaboration of the region's ethnic and socioeconomic profile, as well as in the deficiencies mapping. line within the project, as well as specific objectives and methodologies appropriate to this line. The History teacher worked with "Afro-Brazilian and indigenous history and culture in Western Santa Catarina", aiming to research about the Afro-Brazilian presence and the indigenous cultures of the region, from the Empire to the present time. For this purpose, research methods were used in archives available online, journals from the Hemeroteca Digital database, iconographic survey and oral history analysis. In Philosophy, the "Philosophical foundations of the creation and affirmation of human rights" were investigated, aiming to develop the capacity for critical reading, writing, systematization and argumentative deliberation on the historical and philosophical journey of human rights in Brazil and in the world through research on the historical and philosophical foundations of the first discussions and the creation of legislation in terms of human rights in Brazil and in the world, noting that immigration of Haitians to Xanxerê was researched. We sought/ buscamos to investigate how Haitians understand Human Rights and whether they were respected in their journey, as well as to understand and verify whether rights were and are guaranteed in Brazil.\par
For this article purposes, we will focus our discussion on the aforementioned lines of research, which developed the education in ethnic-racial relations, African diasporas and human rights themes from an intersectional perspective. The results shared in the next sections correspond to the selected content and knowledge built for the multidisciplinary material production and have been used in recent years for teaching in the Humanities. 
\section[{IV. Ethnic-Racial Relations Education}]{IV. Ethnic-Racial Relations Education}\par
in Brazil and the West of Santa Catarina\par
Once curricular planning and multidisciplinary research have been carried out, it is time to prepare the didactic material in a transversal perspective. The first questions we tried to answer in order to introduce the ethnic-racial relations theme to students were: "why study the ethnic-racial relations education?" and "if there are no human races, would not talking about race relations be racism?" The answers to these questions guided the material introduction writing and should be shared here as an experience that has been shown to be positive.\par
We can say that the teaching of Brazilian History arose with the Colégio Pedro II and the Brazilian Historical and Geographical Institute creations, at the beginning of the Second Reign. At that time, diversity was still seen as a problem to be solved by a civilization and homogenization project, which was related to the defense of the white race superiority over the others. According to the Empire representatives, the indigenous people should be incorporated, by a mild assimilation (José Bonifácio de Andrada) or a violent assimilation (Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen) (ALMEIDA, 2010, p. 145-146). Similarly, the Africans assimilation through the Atlantic trafficking and slavery was justified as a "spiritual redemption of blacks", who would leave barbarism and paganism for civilization and Christianity.\par
In the First Republic, opposing views on the issue of miscegenation come into dispute. Some authors highlighted the inauthenticity of Brazilian culture, expressing a social pessimism, as in the idea of the "three sad races" (Eduardo Prado) or in the attribution of the national delay to racial degeneration (Euclides da Cunha). Other visions are marked by the valorization of miscegenation as a main characteristic of Brazilian culture and people (Mário de Andrade). The emphasis on the idea of harmonious coexistence of the different races in the country (Affonso Celso and Gilberto Freyre), gave rise to the "myth of racial democracy", which would be reinforced during the Estado Novo, when it sought to eliminate regional identities and elaborate a synthesis of nationality of the Brazilian people as a "race of mestizos" (BITTENCOURT, 2007).\par
In the First Republic, opposing views on the miscegenation issue come into dispute. Some authors highlighted the Brazilian culture inauthenticity, expressing a social pessimism, as in the idea of the "three sad races" (Eduardo Prado) or in the attribution of the national delay to racial degeneration (Euclides da Cunha). Other visions are marked by the miscegenation valorization as a main characteristic of Brazilian culture and people (Mário de Andrade). The emphasis on the idea of harmonious coexistence of different races in the country (Affonso Celso and Gilberto Freyre) gave rise to the "myth of racial democracy", which would be reinforced during the Estado Novo, when it sought to eliminate regional identities and elaborate a nationality of the Brazilian people synthesis as a "race of mestizos" (BITTENCOURT, 2007).\par
Despite so many racial issue reinterpretations, the idea that Brazilian society is characterized by miscegenation, that is, by the mixture between ethnic groups, has always been present. Both at the end of the Empire, with the literary critic Silvio Romero, and in the First Republic, as the director of the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro, João Batista Lacerda, we see the idea that Brazil is a "mestizo country" or a "miscegenated country", in line with the idea that foreigners shared Brazil (SCHWARCZ, 1994, p. 137-138). However, this does not translate into equal conditions for the entire population. In our country, the ethno-racial idea that favors whiteness still exists, valuing European culture, and lowering indigenous, African and Asian cultures. Therefore, an incorporation of values, historically constructed, develops that disqualifies physical attributes, cultural traditions and values of some ethnic groups.\par
It is worth noting that the concept of race, used in the colonial and imperial periods of Brazilian history, was designed to classify ethnic groups according to certain characteristics, such as skin color, physical appearance, height. Such characteristics were associated with the individual's social background. Understanding the black as the protagonist of his own history and power of emancipation, the term race, originally charged with prejudice, was reframed by the Black Movement and started to be used with the purpose of valuing the legacy left by Africans. We know today that there are no human races, but for this reason it is not possible to deny or omit a history of ethnic-racial relations that translate into social inequalities and the persistence of racism (SANTOS, 1984).\par
For an education in ethnic-racial relations, it is important to clarify how the black identity process of construction and acceptance occurs. This process, marked by the fight against constant devaluation of African culture and its physical aspects. Many questions are always asked to teachers who propose to discuss black identity in the classroom, which makes the theme even more relevant, although it also requires a safe approach to deconstruct prejudices. After all, is black one who identifies himself/herself like this or one who is seen as such? First of all, we believe that the teacher must reinforce that being black in Brazil is a political choice. It is not limited to physical characteristics, but also, its ancestry is taken into account, being an identity self-denomination.\par
The same reasoning is valid for thinking about indigenous identity. The term "Native" was also initially used as a reference to several peoples who inhabited the American continent. Their cultures were disqualified as "primitive" from that generic term that denied their ethnic identities. Today, prejudice is often expressed in phrases such as: "they are acculturated" or "they don't look like an Native" (ARAPYUM; CRUZ, 2017).\par
We have tried to reinforce in the ethnic-racial relations teaching, through the multidisciplinary didactic material produced in the research, that cultures are dynamic and change through exchanges and contacts with other peoples. The European descendants settlers have also changed their cultures throughout our History and the cultural elements exchange with indigenous peoples has enriched both sides. The Indigenous Movement also re-signified an originally racist term and Considering the differences between whites, blacks and indigenous people in society, the result of historically constituted social relations, public policies have the role of objectifying the repair, recognition and appreciation of the identity, culture and history of the indigenous and black Brazilians. Therefore, discussing the ethnic-racial relations that built Brazil should be everyone's obligation: education systems, the community, teachers, students and their parents, regardless of their origin or ethnicity. started using it to value its cultural traditions. Thus, selfidentification as an indigenous person is a right and also a political attitude. As pedagogue Iára Ferreira Arapyun (2017) says: "Being indigenous is a feeling of belonging, and it is not up to the state or a non-indigenous person to say who is or is not an indigenous person". 
\section[{V.}]{V.}\par
African Diaspora and Racism in Portuguese America and the Empire of Brazil\par
Teaching the cultures history of Afro-Brazilian and indigenous offers teachers a privileged perspective to develop an anti-racist education, addressing ethnicracial relations from an intersectional approach. The African diaspora of the period of colonial slavery (15th to 18th centuries) and the second slavery (19th century) presents relevant intersection points with the indigenous peoples history subjected/forced to slavery and other forms of compulsory labor (LEWKOWICZ; GUTIÉRREZ; FLORENTINO, 2008 ). It is not by chance that these peoples were called "blacks of the land" during the colonial period. From a gender perspective, we realize that violence against black women is also greater in our society as a result of slavery, so an anti-racist education and an or anti-mystical education, been worked through the curriculum integrated by the ethnic-racial relations theme.\par
An important issue regarding the African Diaspora that has been deconstructed by historians is the image that naturalizes Africans and Indians as "slaves", which directly impacts our critical perception of ethnic-racial relations as historically constructed. An important way to combat racial prejudices in teaching is highlighting that slavery was always imposed on people who were born in Africa or in the Americas as free and who, as a result of wars, became "enslaved". Several historical documents help us to understand how the enslavement process of African and indigenous peoples took place in the 19th century, allowing us to denaturalize the notion of slavery and emphasize that all indigenous, African, Afro-descendant or mixed-race slaves in Brazil were individuals who lost their freedom through violence or who were born in captivity as descendants of originally free individuals.\par
Violence (symbolic and physical) permeates all dimensions of the slavery institution leaving deep marks, especially in societies that had their productive system based on trade and the work of enslaved human beings. Working with primary historical sources and new historiographic perspectives in the classroom allows the approach of teaching history to the theme of ethnicracial relations and the production of new school knowledge. In the case of didactic material produced in the research, the study was prioritized based on the discussion on slavery, presenting both ruptures and continuities between the colonial slave agro-exportation period in the Americas (16th and 18th centuries) and that of the second slavery that existed in Brazil, Cuba and the USA in the 19th century \hyperref[b10]{9} Although the Santa Catarina West is a region that did not even integrate the Portuguese America territory and was only integrated into the Brazilian Empire in the middle of the 19th century, these . As one of the case studies, we highlight the transportation of enslaved Africans and Natives, in Africa or Brazil. Generally, traffickers and authorities, during periods of legal or illegal trafficking, used to transport groups of slaves through the so-called "libambo", which could be an iron chain, wooden logs or even a rope used to tie several around the neck and facilitate the group of prisoners transportation. We have important testimonies taken from historiography for teaching about the history of slavery, such as that of a diula (native Muslim trader) called Mungo Park, who worked in a West Africa region that would correspond to the current territory of Gambia, in the 18th century, describing how the operations to supply the transatlantic and trans-Saharan slave markets were carried out. According to Park, in his caravan, slaves were transported placing the right leg of one and the left leg of the other in the same pair of fetters. By holding the shackles on a rope, they can walk, although very slowly. Every four slaves are similarly tied by the necks, with a strong rope of braided straps, and at night, an additional pair of fetters is placed in their hands, and sometimes a light iron chain is passed around their necks. (Apud LOVEJOY, 2002, p. 153).\par
Samuel Crowler, an enslaved Yoruba, is another victim who left his testimony of how this practice occurred in Africa in the 19th century and allows students to have contact with an African testimony about transport in Libambo. Crowler points out that, during the battle in which he was captured, women and children tried to escape into the undergrowth, but ended up trapped as well:\par
[...] while they were trying to get out of the bushes, they were caught up to and captured by the enemies with a loop of rope thrown over the neck of each one, to be conducted in the manner of the goats tied together, under the direction of a man. In many cases a family was violently divided between three or four enemies, and each one was taken away, they would never see each other again. His humble servant was thus captured -with his mother, two sisters (one a child of about ten months) and a cousin -while trying to escape in the manner described above. (Apud LOVEJOY, 2002, p. 223). \hyperref[b10]{9} Originally coined by Dale Tomich as second slavery, the term has been translated into Portuguese by authors like João José Reis and Sidney Chalhoub as "segundo escravismo" and by authors like Rafael Marquese and Ricardo Salles as "segunda escravidão". It refers to the new economic system that led to the slavery expansion in the Americas in the late 17th and 19th centuries, as a consequence of the transformations brought about by the Industrial Revolution and by American national independence (CHALHOUB, 2012; MARQUESE; SALLES, 2016).\par
enslaving practices are still interesting for the study of regional reality. During the period of the 17th century pioneering expeditions and the Guaranitic Wars (1753-1756) \hyperref[b11]{10} , the region indigenous peoples were subjected to similar practices of seizure and enslavement. It is a fact that during the period of the second slavery, the region had no village or settlement of non-indigenous people, only the village of Palmas, which belonged to the province of Paraná. Even so, many authors have called attention to the spread of illegal enslavement of indigenous people after the end of Atlantic (ALMEIDA, 2009; CUNHA, 2012).\par
This reality can be seen even when it appears masked in official documents, such as the report of the president of the province of Paraná, who notified that in Curitiba a delegation of Kaingang people from Palmas, led by chief Veri, asked him, among other things, to give "[...] an order to deliver to him a son, who was in the home of a person from that municipality" (PARANÁ, 1854, p.60). Based on the theme of slavery practices, it is possible to denaturalize family narratives, recurrent in western Santa Catarina, according to which "my grandmother was an Indian, she was caught in the lasso", highlighting the violence against the indigenous peoples of the region, especially in relation to the women.\par
The violence of slavery and racism leave other marks that can be seen, for example, in police practices. The criminalization of Afro-descendants and the treatment of black people in the country were recorded by Jornal do Brasil photographer Luiz Morier in Rio de Janeiro in the 1980s. When accompanying a police raid in a favela in the North Zone of Rio, Morier recorded the practice of "libambo" occurring in the final years of the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship. Subsequently, it was proved that they were only workers, as the fact that some hold their work cards in their hands already indicated in the photographic records. The work with the sequence of images recorded by Morier, among which the main one we see reproduced below (image 1), allows a comparative work with other images of libambo in Africa or in the Empire, presenting students with the persistence of slave practices in ethnic-social relations.\par
Image 1: The practice of libambo in a photograph by Luiz Morier entitled "Todos Negros -All Blacks", winner of the 1983 Esso Photography Prize and published on the front page of JB on September 30, 1982. Available in: <http://www.abi.org.br/todos-negros/> , last seen on 20 may. 2020. \hyperref[b11]{10} According to Almeida, after the signing of the Madrid Treaty (1750), Portugal and Spain's efforts were focused on mapping out borders in the overseas territories. Within this context, the Marquis of Pombal's indigenist policy seeked to take power over indigenous communities away from Priests. The Guaranitic Wars happened as a result of the Iberian Monarchies reacting to resistance from Guarani people in the Sete Povos da Missões -Seven Peoples of Mission region. In Pombal's policy, the assimilation of indigenous people as subjects, turning their communities into villages, aims to ensure power over the territory along the borders and over the indigenous labour force. Despite the Indian Liberty Law (1755), that made enslaving native american people illegal under any circumstance, unlawful slavery of indigenous people continued until the 19 th century, usually via their registration as pardo or caboclo (terms used to classify mixed people). Furthermore, some native people would refuse to marry black people for fear of losing their liberty status, and used this law to lobby for further liberty (ALMEIDA, 2010, p. 107-119). Another important aspect with regard to violence in the transport of enslaved Africans is the condition of their accommodation during the crossing of the Atlantic. The inhuman conditions to which they were subjected, traveling huddled and chained in the holds and on the deck of ships, received very few portions of water and food. Malnutrition and skin and eye diseases were widespread among the human cargo of slave ships, or tumbeiros, leading to a mortality rate of approximately one tenth of those transported. The sums collected in the lucrative trade largely covered these losses (CONRAD, 1985).\par
While the Atlantic trafficking of enslaved Africans was lawful, between the mid-15th century and the early 19th century, metropolitan governments and colonial authorities sought to regulate the transport and maximum cargo of ships. After the prohibition of Atlantic trafficking and the spread of illegal trafficking in the mid-19th century, these regulations lost their value and traffickers involved in smuggling began to exploit the maximum possible loads, aggravating the unsanitary conditions of vessels and increasing the rates of losses, which was offset by the increase in market prices. This situation was mobilized by the supporters of slavery in Brazilian politics, who started to defend the liberation of the trafficking that had been banned, on a falsely humanitarian basis, claiming that regulated trafficking was less cruel than smuggling. (CHALHOUB, 2012). 
\section[{VI. Human Rights and Intersectionality in Western Santa Catarina}]{VI. Human Rights and Intersectionality in Western Santa Catarina}\par
With the questioning of ethnic-racial relations in Brazil as the main axis of curricular integration, it is extremely important to understand the philosophical foundations of the creation and affirmation of human rights from the perspective of their genesis as well as their application in local reality. The method chosen to investigate this topic is the case study, which seeks to investigate how Haitian immigrants arrived in Santa Catarina starting in 2015, especially in Xanxerê. It should be noted that "[...] Santa Catarina has become the Brazilian state with the largest volume of foreign workers of Haitian nationality linked to the formal labor market (CAGED/MTE, 2015). (MAGALHÃES, 2017). No less important, Santa Catarina is also the state with the worst wage rates for foreign workers, according to Magalhães (2017). These are contradictions that have moved us to research the issue of Haitian immigration, along with human rights and the racial issue.\par
Based on the Cadastro Único (CAdÚnico), a federal registry for low income families, provided by the Social Assistance Secretariat of State, "Santa Catarina counted, at the end of 2019, a total of 5,762 registered immigrants". (SPAUTZ, 2019). The number must certainly be higher, as many immigrants of different nationalities end up coming from other states and due to different circumstances they do not register with the state agency. The number of Haitians, according to data obtained from the registry, stands at 3,343 in Santa Catarina. This group of immigrants, in particular, is of importance for our curricular integration, as it is a new Afro-descendant group composing the ethnic mosaic of Brazilian society, producing the intersectionality between the theme of human rights and the racial issue. This enables us to relate the history of Haiti as a privileged theme to better understand our own history and our society, unequal, poor, and with serious and persistent social problems. So, we have some basic questions to ask, for example, how were human rights implemented in Haiti? In addition, did Haitians who arrived in Xanxerê have their human rights respected during their travels? Before answering these questions, we need to understand what we mean by human rights.\par
The thesis here is that human rights are rights that transcend national states and are natural to all human beings regardless of their ethnicity, gender, color, nationality, sexuality or political alignment. Therefore, they are intersectional rights par excellence. Hence they were defined by the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. Human rights must be understood as basic needs, without which no one can live with dignity. Unfortunately, in many parts of the world, law -as a system of guarantees or rules valid intersubjectively, being considered legitimate by both parties -is still seen as a privilege of certain groups. Legal equality is still an unfulfilled ideal for millions of people.\par
This is because we still live in a world with many barriers, borders and walls. To exemplify this, note that only those who belong to a State are given or have rights, and we are still under the sign of State Sovereignty. And this seems to increase, just look at how the United States and some European countries, such as Hungary, for example, close their borders and increase nationalist discourses. In this way, the discussion of human rights becomes relevant, as these are not valid for someone with some nationality, but for everyone indiscriminately. Starting from creation, all human beings have rights, as states the axiom, that is, everyone has the "[...] right to have rights, or the right of each individual to belong to humanity" (ARENDT, 1989, p. 332), should be valid.\par
It is worth noting that today only citizens who belong to a state have rights -as some critics have already pointed out (Agamben, Zizek)-because whoever guarantees their application and defensewhether human rights or national constitutional rights -is always a state, a Nation. Today in many places there still prevails notions that the foreigner or the poor is a second-class citizen. That is why the precariousness, even today, of foreigners, poor people and immigrants exists everywhere in the world. Contemporary examples of this are the immigrants forced by wars to leave their States, or even the Brazilian Indigenous Peoples (who have a State, but whose State shows limited care). Here in South America, we have the examples of Venezuelans. Others who have migrated to other parts of the world are Syrians and Haitians (for various reasons), and who are not recognized as people who are worthy of respect when they seek asylum, refuge or even better conditions to live in another country, suffering from racism and xenophobia.\par
The question is: Why are human rights not respected? All those who find themselves without a state, a homeland, which supposedly should guarantee them some right, are in the condition of "immigrant". They end up having or most of their rights denied, becoming refugees or stateless people, that is, killable human beings. This figure was defined as Homo sacer, which Giorgio Agamben (2002, p.91), Italian philosopher, described as the condition of life that prevails today. The author shows that Homo sacer is that person who can have his life exposed as "killable and unsacrificeable", exposed to the rawness of naked life, abandoned to chance by the choices of government and protection agencies, such as the UN. According to Slavoj Zizek, we have a strange condition in the contemporary world, as it is divided between the citizen and the refugee, or as he defines it, using Agamben's concept, the Homo sacer. Therefore, along with the current examples of Homo sacer (the sans papiers in France, the favela dwellers in Brazil, the population of African-American ghettos in the USA, etc.) we find those seen as recipients of humanitarian aid (ZIZEK, p. 115-116).\par
Let us see how this notion of humanitarian aid to immigrants becomes relevant to the teaching of ethnic-racial relations in the context of western Santa Catarina. There was great publicity in the Brazilian media when, in 2010, three earth tremors hit Haiti, precisely in the capital, Port-au-Prince, in a radius of 22 kilometers. The United Nations (UN) accounted 1.5 million homeless people, 300 thousand injured and about 220 thousand dead, which means that one third of the Haitian population was affected. A great part of the Xanxerê population (as well as of western Santa Catarina and Brazil) believes that Haitian immigrants in Brazil are "refugees" from the earthquake. However, none of the 30 Haitian students enrolled in the FIC course at the Xanxerê Campus reported being affected by the earthquake. This indicates that the immigrant population is not directly related to the natural catastrophe and the humanitarian crisis resulting from it, being composed of an economically remedied portion of the population that saw in the opening of Brazil's borders to Haitian immigrants an opportunity to improve their lives through work.\par
Haitians started coming to Brazil in a more organized way in 2012. The possibility was opened because Brazil was in charge of MINUSTAH, but some of them saw the country as attractive because of the possibility of work opportunity. Immigrants mainly took into account the ease of finding a stable job, since in Haiti there was no such perspective, because the job market in Haiti is seasonal. The occupations in which Haitian immigrants are given the opportunity to work in are, in their majority, underemployment or jobs that require little education. This is not perceived as a problem for Haitians who arrive with low education in the country. They get jobs in functions equivalent to those they performed in Haiti, for example, in civil construction, with equivalent remuneration, but with the difference of not being subject to the seasonality of work. Haitians who arrive in Brazil with higher education, on the other hand, are the most dissatisfied with the jobs they manage to occupy and disappointed with the envisioned professional perspectives. The state of Santa Catarina is the second most sought after by Haitians to live and work, a fact that they attribute to the greater availability of work. According to an article by Aline Takashima, published in the Maruim newspaper, in Florianópolis, she says:\par
Coming from a country with a population of 95\% black people, according to The World Factbook (database of the United States Intelligence Community, the CIA), thousands of Haitians have arrived in the state [Santa Catarina] that has the highest proportion of white (85\%) to the lowest proportion of black people (15\%) in Brazil, according to the 2014 IBGE census. In this scenario, reports of racist episodes are not uncommon (TAKASHIMA, 2017). Some data from the regional context of western Santa Catarina can better illustrate this situation. Students of the FIC course offered to Haitians at the IFSC Xanxerê Campus, reported that it is common for white men in the region to approach and offer money to Haitians women on the streets of the city, even those who are married and accompanied by family, demonstrating a mentality that associates black immigrant women with prostitution and misery. Others claim that they suffer with derogatory jokes and comments at work due to lack of knowledge of the Portuguese language. There are also reports of people offering old and used clothing to Haitians without being asked for, as if their entire community is naturally poor and in need of help. It is naturally racist that in a region of European immigration descent, only black immigrants are seen as miserable. There is a strong influence of the history of the country's ethnic-racial relations and the current media in the construction of these views on Haitian people. The objectification of black women's bodies, originated in the sexual violence that characterized the slavery-period society, is reinforced in moments like the parades of samba schools during Carnival. On the other hand, Haiti is always shown in the media as a miserable country, as if there were no human and natural beauty, cultural wealth, or wealthy elites --due to the concentration of income.\par
In order to deconstruct these stereotypes and develop an anti-racist and anti-xenophobic education, the teachers of the FIC course "Portuguese Language and Brazilian Culture for Foreigners" developed together with Haitian students the project "Haiti isn't here/Haiti is here". Thus, students selected images that represented the natural, cultural, culinary and landscape richness of their country. In contrast, they searched for images that portrayed poverty and misery in Brazil. Thus, an oncampus exhibition was organized to get Brazilian students to know the face of Haiti that isn't shown in the national media. It is interesting to note that many Haitian students, who only knew the reality of the urban centers in which they were inserted, were shocked to learn that there are Brazilians living in miserable conditions, such as the population of stilt houses in Santos, Recife and in Rio de Janeiro, the riverside populations in the North of Brazil or even in indigenous villages in the West of Santa Catarina.\par
Based on these considerations, we arrive at the case study itself. We intentionally chose to interview a Haitian immigrant woman who graduated from the FIC course offered on campus, who, according to herself, decided to seek better living and working conditions in Brazil. The interview was conducted by a Philosophy professor alongside a scholarship student and the woman's testimony included the didactic material produced for multidisciplinary study. For ethical reasons, the name used for the interviewed will be a fictitious one, to preserve her identity. "Marta" is a Haitian immigrant who has been in Brazil for five months. She says that she came to Brazil in search of work, since in her country the levels of unemployment are very high. She has an undergraduate degree, but could not get a job there, which is very common in Haiti, she says.\par
Marta was asked if she had been affected by the earthquake, and if the unemployment situation is related to the tragedy. Marta says she was not directly affected by the earthquake, and that the country has been suffering with high unemployment rates for years. According to her report, a small portion of Haitian society has been affected by the tragedy, and the people who decide to leave the country are those who have been saving funds for some time, in order to immigrate to other countries in search of regular work and a better life. In Brazil, the worst thing that happened to her, Marta says, was racism. It was precisely at a mass, at the time of holding hands -in a part of the Catholic liturgy -that a person at her side refused to hold her hand, because she is black. "It hurts," she says, but for Marta, that was the only bad thing she encountered in Brazil. As for having some of her human rights violated during the trip, Marta says she believes she did not suffer. With the exception of racism in Brazil. 
\section[{VII.}]{VII.} 
\section[{Final Considerations}]{Final Considerations}\par
Besides enabling the development of multidisciplinary material in which the research results were organized in a didactic way for teaching Social Sciences, the teachers' research based on the themes of ethnic-racial relations and human rights was rich in many senses. It contributed to the teachers' continued training as educators, to the scientific initiation of scholarship students and to an anti-racist education to the high school, as well as to the opening of new perspectives of pedagogical work with Haitian students on campus.\par
Research on Haitian people in search of a better life in Brazil indicates that their human rights haven't been disrespected, from the perspective of the immigrants themselves. However, the racist act that Marta suffered in the church, as well as the reports of offers for sexual encounters and distasteful jokes at work made by others, indicate that there is structural racism in western Santa Catarina, which is associated with sexist and xenophobic ideals. The failure to perceive these situations as violations of rights may lie in the lack of knowledge about human rights. Although human rights law is international, they are not widely disseminated or fulfilled in Haiti. On the other hand, there is no effort on the part of the Brazilian authorities to make immigrants aware of their labor rights.\par
It is significant that teachings about labor rights was a demand of Haitian students for the FIC course, as they felt unprotected because of legal ignorance. We then took this opportunity to also cover human rights. Since they left Haiti in search of better working conditions, it was in working environments that Haitians found themselves legally helpless. This seems to be more related to the frustration of their expectations. On the other hand, Brazilians tend to look at Haitians victims of poverty and the 2010 earthquake, as survivors of a natural catastrophe in need of humanitarian aid; which is a result of public knowledge reinforced by the media. This situation puts them in a condition of Homo sacer. Attention is focused on the barbarities that the immigrants allegedly went through in Haiti, and not on what they actually go through in Brazil.\par
Brazil and Haiti share a past of slavery and are both marked by the African diaspora. This makes the education of ethnic-racial relations relevant to the deconstruction of prejudices in both countries, to value the history and the contribution of African peoples' culture to the Americas. In addition, black people were, for a long time, stripped of their humanity by slave labor and Atlantic trafficking, where they were equated to tools or animals. This indicates an intersection between the education of ethnic-racial relations and education in human rights with great potential to be explored. To fight against the violation of black people's rights in Brazil, we must value the history of Haiti and show the richness of its culture to Brazilian people. Similarly, an anti-racist education that values Afro-Brazilian culture and renounces the barbarism committed during the period of slavery and the Atlantic trafficking of enslaved Africans contributes to the respect of Haitian immigrants in contemporary Brazil. Studies on ethnic-racial relations and human rights, from an intersectional perspective, also offers the possibility of integrating school curricula and offering a critical, socially sensible and independent teaching program, working with transversal themes.\par
Thus, we believe talking about racism and human rights is essential, because it ties in with barbarism and atrocities that also need to be talked about. This abstract concept of "human rights or dignity" is still ignored or misrepresented in many parts of the world. In Brazil, we see a face of this trend expressed in the absurd formula "human rights for right humans". Although talking about dignity can often seem obscure, it is only through this idea that human rights can be built and implemented in social reality. Dignity or human rights are a basic necessity, without which one cannot minimally develop an existence safeguarded from misery, hunger and various forms of violence.\begin{figure}[htbp]
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    			\footnote{This article was originally published in Em Tempos de História, v. 1, No. 36 (2020) by Guilherme Babo Sedlacek and Rodolfo Denk Neto and its version into English was done by Aline Guerios and Letícia Sedlacek.} 			\footnote{Place of speech is a term used in Brazil to refer to the special attention we must give to members of a minority group, when discussing an issue that affects that group. Therefore, when speaking about black feminism, one must listen to the experiences and opinions of black women.\hyperref[b8]{7} In Portuguese the verb know has different meanings so the author refers to know as conhecer in Portuguese, and know, as saber in Portuguese.} 			\footnote{FIC stands for Formação Inicial e Continuada in Portuguese, at IFSC, and these courses are usually designed to qualify professionals from a variety of areas, also according to the local community demands.} 			\footnote{© 2021 Global Journals} 		 		\backmatter  			  				\begin{bibitemlist}{1}
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