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             \author[1]{Teresa Cristina De Novaes  Marques}

             \affil[1]{  Universidade de Brasília - Brazil}

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\date{\small \em Received: 10 December 2019 Accepted: 1 January 2020 Published: 15 January 2020}

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\begin{abstract}
        


A 2009 national survey has shown that beer represents 60 precent of all alcohol consumed regularly in Brazil. It also shows that gender, education and urbanity make little difference to determinate people?s preference for beer. Its widespread consumption throughout the country permeates every social class and makes it seem ?natural? choice.2 Beer presence is so common in everyday life that people justify this consumption by arguing that it is not an alcoholic beverage. In fact, many think of it as a sort of refreshment, probably because it is served cold. Although physicians constantly warn about its alcoholic content, breweries lobby intensively to avoid restrictions on their propaganda message. Consequently, the consumption of beer has increased over the years.3 [This chapter analyzes the increase of beer consumption as a consequence of early twentiethcentury temperance movements and industrialization.4 I argue that the history of the industrial production of beer and its consumption in Brazil is closely related to temperance movements in several ways. First, temperance propaganda failed to convince consumers to quit alcohol. Second, temperance messages condemning both aguardente consumption and those who drank it helped to create a market for beer.5 Third, the commercial strategies adopted by breweries were very successful.]

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\let\tabcellsep& 	 	 		 
\section[{Introduction}]{Introduction}\par
2009 national survey has shown that beer represents 60 precent of all alcohol consumed regularly in Brazil. It also shows that gender, education and urbanity make little difference to determinate people's preference for beer. Its widespread consumption throughout the country permeates every social class and makes it seem "natural" choice.\par
2 Beer presence is so common in everyday life that people justify this consumption by arguing that it is not an alcoholic beverage. In fact, many think of it as a sort of refreshment, probably because it is served cold. Although physicians constantly warn about its alcoholic content, breweries lobby intensively to avoid restrictions on their propaganda message. Consequently, the consumption of beer has increased over the years.\par
3 I have divided this chapter in three sections. First, I analyze the temperance movement, its intellectual origins, its racial and social connotations, and its political strategies. Then examine the brewing industry reaction to the temperance movement. I close this chapter analyzing the spread of beer consumption as a consequence of this movement and modernization efforts in Brazil.\par
Between the 1870's and the early 1930's, alcohol consumption was targeted by severe criticism in many parts of the western world. Moreover, consumers, especially the urban masses who happened to be poor, illiterate, and marginalized in the economic activities, were the target of temperance movements. In 1919, the temperance movement in the United States, which originated as a religious initiative, reached its peak with the legal prohibition of sale and production of alcoholic beverages. In contrast, in Brazil, the temperance campaign emerged as a lay movement and especially condemned the use of aguardente (sugar cane spirit).\par
Temperance movements around the world expressed ethnic and class tensions in their societies. In the United States, religious groups called for temperance in reaction to the supposed negative habits of new immigrants.  {\ref 6} In Mexico, temperance proposals intended to redeem both the indigenous and mestizo working populations by changing their drinking habits.
\begin{quote}
7\end{quote}
\par
In Brazil, the movement opened fire against the consumption habits of the poor, black, and mestizo population.\par
While in the United States and Mexico temperance efforts got adopted as state policies, in Brazil this movement never achieved full governmental support. In the U.S., the government backed up religious efforts with the law, while in Mexico, temperance campaigns became a state policy after 1910 Revolution, although there was never a national prohibition.  {\ref 8} In Brazil, despite the vociferousness of temperance activists in the 1920's, a nation-wide policy intending to control the population's drinking habits through a federal law was enacted only in 1997.  {\ref 9} Even the centralizing conservative regime of Getúlio Vargas in the 1930s did not foresee the political benefits of using the state's instruments to openly repress the people's drinking habits. For the government, the everyday control of the police forces over the urban population was enough. Besides, the federal government´s repressive forces were much more concerned with opposition activists than with policing urban behavior.\par
The fact that the distribution of temperance propaganda was not adopted as a state policy in Brazil did not mean it had no impact on society. As I will examine in detail this propaganda further in the chapter, it is necessary to stress, in this point, that it had strong racial, social, and commercial connotations. Its strong racial messages reflected the history of racial relationships in the country. This was especially relevant in a society where explicitly segregationist policies had no legal basis, but a persistent cultural segregation that undermined the self-esteem of the poor and black people has remained.  I argue that the history of the industrial production of beer and its consumption in Brazil is closely related to temperance movements in several ways. First, temperance propaganda failed to convince consumers to quit alcohol. Second, temperance messages condemning both aguardente consumption and those who drank it helped to create a market for beer.  {\ref 5} Third, the commercial strategies adopted by breweries were very successful.] slavery-based recent past. Participation in this future required abandoning of old habits, such as the drinking of aguardente. Those not interested or not able to change their drinking habits remained trapped in poverty and social depreciation. This discrimination had its origins in the so-called defects of skin color that were associated with moral defects. So, the persistent association of drunkenness with black people contributed to foster the social and racial gap of classes in the country.\par
The debate about temperance in Brazil was divided between moderate and radical activists. Most of them supported moderation of consumption and a few activists who stood for the total abolition of alcoholic beverages in the country. Being the majority, moderates regarded beer as a lesser evil in comparison to distilled beverages, due to their lesser alcohol content. For radicals, beer was also a target.\par
Breweries were able to easily overcome the commercial threat of temperance movements due to their political connections and their advertising strategies. Brewery advertisements insisted on the nutritional qualities of beer and its lower alcoholic content in comparison to non-fermented beverages. The same arguments were employed in many other countries, such as the United States and Mexico. Nevertheless, companies in Brazil also exploited other powerful and long-lasting ideas to ensure the legitimate presence of beer in the market. Beer was portrayed as a civilized, modern and industrial beverage, a product of technology developed in Europe. As a civilized beverage, beer shadowed aguardente and its social stigma.\par
Aguardente was regarded as the beverage of the slaves; therefore it had political, social and racial connotations. \hyperref[b2]{11} After the abolition of slavery, in 1888, aguardente was also perceived as the drink of the disenfranchised, especially the poor urban mestizo population. It was considered a social evil and the reason for the supposed poor people degradation. Abuse of aguardente was one of the many reasons given to justify the social and political exclusion of the urban poor population.\par
Ironically, aguardente was also the choice of the slave-owners. Colonial inhabitants had used it profusely: as an appetizer, as medicine, and ritual beverage. It was regularly consumed during long journeys in the hinterland. \hyperref[b3]{12} But, for the Brazilian elites of the 1920s, this was a distant and forgettable past; there was no space for the habits of black people in their new, modern nation.\par
Breweries exploited these notions in the popular mindset and adjusted their public image in response to temperance movement's attacks. They succeeded in making consumers shift their preferences to beer as a way of crafting new identities for themselves, separating them from the urban masses. 
\section[{II.}]{II.} 
\section[{Temperance and Beer}]{Temperance and Beer}\par
The Brazilian temperance movement was led by physicians, lawyers, journalists, congressmen, and rightwing feminists.\par
13 Each group condemned alcohol consumption from its own perspective. They represented the various ideologies supporting social control proposals debated in the political arena at large during the first decades of the twentieth century.\par
The temperance propaganda had its roots in an intellectual movement which emerged in the 1870's that was influenced by social Darwinism and phrenology. Such theories were used as tools to explain the behavior of individuals and to ensure the basis for public policies of intervention in the social order. \hyperref[b5]{14} Intervention was perceived as necessary, especially in Rio de Janeiro, where crowded, poor neighborhoods, a consequence of urban growth, created concern and uneasiness among the elites.\par
Although the educated elites lobbied for a larger presence of the state in the society, this desire ran up against the current liberal ideology that supported the political system, based on a non-interventionist state conception. This was one of the reasons why political proposals presented in the 1920s explicitly promoting federal anti-alcohol laws failed. Aware of this liberal bias, temperance activists turned instead to local authorities, who welcomed their arguments and took some actions restraining alcohol consumption. For instance, at the end of 1928, temperance leaders met with the President of the Republic, Washington Luís de Sousa, bringing him energetic proposals against alcohol consumption. 15 They proposed him a local increase of taxes on beverages, proportional to their alcoholic contents of the products. Thus, not only the distilled beverages would be taxed in Rio de Janeiro, but also the fermented ones, such as beer, although at a lower rate.\par
As a result from these lobbying actions, since early 1930s the appointed mayor of Rio de Janeiro, then Federal District, raised taxes on saloons and restaurants that opened after 7 P.M., despite the owner's negative reaction. 16   In São Paulo, temperance groups also requested that the regional government pushed policies of social control too.\par
The groups from Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo were the most active ones. However, in the early 20 th Century, most political movement that started in Rio and achieved popularity had a strong impact on the rest of the country. \hyperref[b8]{17} Because of this impact, Rio temperance groups became the most relevant ones and thus this chapter focuses on their actions. which industrial progress would replace the backward, Two particular social groups were prominent in condemning alcoholism as a social evil of the urban masses: attorneys and physicians. Although both groups had different ways of approaching the issue, they occasionally acted in conjunction. Physicians related alcoholism to the degradation of the race. In contrast, jurists associated the consumption of alcohol and criminality and perceived the first as a substantial cause of the second. Either under the influence of the Italian school of criminology, either under the influence of the French school, lawyers and physicians disagreed about the way the state should intervene to restrain alcoholism and other social evils.\par
In one hand, the Italian school of criminology used anthropometry to describe individuals and their criminal inclinations and it was the main inspiration for repressive practices of Brazilian police. This school also placed the blame for criminal activities on individuals, and not on their social environment. Besides, these criminologists described some groups as potentially dangerous for social life, because of their physical appearance. Among them were blacks, the foreigners, alcoholics, epileptics, lunatics, prostitutes and drug addicts. 18   On the other hand, the French School proclaimed that the collective practices, not the individuals, should be put under surveillance. It called for intervention in the social environment, such as the hygienic regulation of prostitution and drinking. It enjoyed the support of many physicians active in the temperance movement. Doctors were concerned with the social impact of miscegenation on the eugenic formation of the Brazilian people. Because of that, the people's redemption required the direct intervention of the medical knowledge. The latter would promote social selection measures allowing enhancement of the population, either by fostering immigration, and either by intervening in people private life. 19   The temperance movement brought physicians once again to the public scene with a new repertoire of proposals after the high expectations many had about European immigration were frustrated by the political outcome of it. \hyperref[b11]{20} With the years, immigrants had influenced labor union movements and spread anarchistic ideas. Then, activists pushed for bills against alcohol abuse, and promoted massive campaigns.\par
With these intentions, activists founded antialcohol civil associations. Among them were the National League against Alcoholism [Liga Nacional contra o Alcoolismo] and the Brazilian League of Mental Hygiene [Liga Brasileira de Higiene Mental]. \hyperref[b12]{21} This latter was created in 1922 by a group of Rio physicians with the intention of participating in the celebrations of the Centennial of Brazilian Independence, when the Brazilian elites debated the future of the nation. 22   Along with every other action, the temperance associations targeted the educational front and promoted anti-alcohol weeks, taking the temperance message to a larger audience in the press, in workplaces, in schools, and, from the 1930s on, also in the radio. Physicians, lawyers, and feminists presented lectures in many places in the city-unions, schools, clubs, and factories. These events took place in October, around the celebration of the Penha festival, when the abusive consumption of alcohol was often highlighted by the press. \hyperref[b14]{23} The proximity of Carnival, celebrated annually from January to February, also raised activists concern on alcohol abuse.\par
Lectures during the anti-alcohol weeks showed the different opinions among the activists. Speakers had divided opinions about whether prohibition should be total or partial, and what kind of beverages that should be restrained. Among the supporters of a total prohibition were the jurist and Congressman Afrânio Coutinho, and the members from the Brazilian Union for Temperance [União Brasileira Pró-Temperança]. \hyperref[b15]{24} In contrast, many other activists thought that the total prohibition like the American one would not be the best option for Brazil. They argued that the American Prohibition did not deliver the expected results. On the contrary, this measure was an example of a public policy with undesirable consequences because of the increase in criminality observed in the country after the establishment of the prohibition.\par
Likewise, among activists there was a debate about beer. Although they all condemned aguardente, just a few, like the physician Hermeto Lima, explicitly condemned beer as harmful as any other alcoholic beverage to the consumer's health. 25   In 1914, he recognized that beer was more easily accepted by the society. Sarcastically, he criticized low-alcohol beer as having "a better reputation because it does not kill so fast." In comparison, a pamphlet produced by the Department of Health of the State of São Paulo included beer in the list of alcoholic beverages. However, it strongly criticized aguardente, because it caused addiction.\par
Physicians were concerned about beer because of addiction and alcohol levels. They argued that the consumer´s compulsion for alcohol was gradual; therefore beer was an initial stage of irreversible addiction. Most of them condemned high fermentation beers because they were poor quality, it was said, but most physicians were tolerant with low fermentation beer. 27   Few ones, like Doctor Moncorvo Filho were prominent in the fight against the popular assumptions about nutritional qualities of beer, such as the idea women should drink it to produce more milk to nurse their children. In fact, these ideas were widely disseminated by breweries in Brazil and abroad.\par
As a pediatrician, Moncorvo Filho strongly condemned the use of black beer by nursing mothers and wet nurses. He also stressed that women should breastfeed their own children, instead of wet nurses. If these were necessary, they should be submitted to sanitarian control by health authorities. \hyperref[b20]{28} In other words, the offspring of the elites should be kept apart from the degraded races. The pictures illustrating Moncorvo's flier were even more eloquent. (See figure  {\ref 1}) It pictures a squalidly and unhealthy black woman breastfeeding a white child, while she grabs a bottle placed in front of her. The picture expresses, graphically, the concern of physicians with the proximity between children and degenerated people.\par
Moncorvo Filho's flier might have represented a response to an advertisement campaign of the brewery Brahma, published first in Rio press in July, 1921 and then as a flier praising the nutritional qualities of a brand of malt beer.  {\ref 29} Several advertisements with images of white mothers and healthy babies showed that despite the severe criticism, breweries did not immediately abandon this marketing strategy. 
\section[{30}]{30}\par
[While beer was not unanimously condemned by temperance activists, all of them were concerned with the black population's drinking habits.\par
Breweries benefited from the diversity of temperance discourses and their economic and political strength. Aguardente producers where dispersed throughout the nation and lacked an organized political leadership.  {\ref 31} Large breweries in contrast were located in the main cities and enjoyed coordinated leadership efforts. Therefore, they could promptly counteract the temperance attacks.\par
Breweries took any opportunity to promote and defend their products. In 1908, the National Exhibition celebrated the 100 th anniversary of the opening of Brazilian ports to friendly nations. It praised the civilized character of Brazil as a supporter of free-trade, open to new ideas coming from Europe. Brahma managed to set up an elegant bar stand in the exhibition. The brewery's participation in this exhibition represented an important advertising strategy because visitors got exposed to its products. More importantly, Brahma's participation was a political statement. Before the First World War years, large breweries lobbied for tariff protection as they deeply depended on imported inputs such as barley and lupulus, as well as feared competition from Britain products. In the political front, breweries in operation in Brazil faced opposition by some politicians who perceived their trade as artificial. 
\section[{32}]{32}\par
Breweries also lobbied for special fiscal treatment arguing that their products were harmless to the consumers, in contrast to high fermentation beer made under low hygienically standards.\par
Like the Mexican temperance movement and alcohol producers, both Brazilian activists and breweries employed the support of intellectuals to justify their activities. In Mexico, pulque production and consumption was defended as well as demonized with the help of prestigious scholars.  {\ref 33} In Brazil, physicians played the role of the authoritative voices in the public debate on alcohol. That is the reason why Brahma sponsored a booklet defending the beer industry that was distributed to the 1908 exhibition visitors.  {\ref 34} The author of the booklet was Dr. Pires de Almeida, a renowned hygienist and physician. 
\section[{35}]{35}\par
Dr. Almeida insisted on beer low toxicity in comparison to other beverages available in the market. He also praised beer's nutritional qualities, absent in distilled beverages, especially in aguardente. He argued that the eventual abuse of beer would cause just a slight and pleasant dizziness and sleepiness. In contrast, fruit liqueurs caused intense headaches; vermouth, and whiskey led to a temporary loss of memory; absinthe induced crime; and rum as well as aguardente produced nasty drunkenness, the lost of moral sense, and severe headaches.  {\ref 36} In other words, the level of alcohol content had different physical and moral effects on the consumer.\par
Dr. Almeida praised Brahma and its hygienic concerns. Its production was based on scientific principles, in contrast with the empiric methods of high fermentation beer and traditional beverages such as sugar-cane brandy. 
\section[{37}]{37}\par
The author emphasized that Brahma's technology and methods came from German beer industry know-how.  {\ref 38} In so doing, Almeida not only made Brahma an heir of the German brewery traditions, but also presented its beer as a civilized modern beverage. 
\section[{39}]{39}\par
Despite the breweries' efforts, the idea of beer as an inoffensive beverage was contested. Rio's police, in an attempt to decrease drunkenness and its consequences, requested in 1907 an analysis of the alcoholic content of all beverages sold in the city. Based on the results, the consumption of aguardente, cheap wine, and distilled beverages in general, were condemned. Instead beer was considered socially tolerable.  {\ref 40} However by 1912, the issue went back to discussion. This time it was under the discussion of rules concerning business hours for alcohol sale. In November, the police chief of Rio ordered that beer could be sold only after 7 PM.  {\ref 41} Under the same police regulations, people could drink aguardente on balconies at night, and drunk individuals wandering in the streets should be arrested.\par
Certainly nobody thought that such measures would suppress aguardente consumption completely. From a practical perspective, the beverage did not require being cooled to be palatable. infinitive combinations and be hidden from the police. However, 1912 regulations supplied the police with the legitimacy to hinder popular leisure, although with questionable results.\par
Unlike aguardente, low fermentation beer -Lager beer -was produced on a large scale only in a few units. Therefore beer was taxed at the factory according to daily production records, in contrast with aguardente producers who frequently evaded taxes. In fact, the increase in sale taxes, including beverages, started during World War I and lasted throughout the 1920s. It was not only an effort in promoting temperance, but also the result of the federal government's insufficient revenues.  {\ref 43} Until the war, the country's budget strongly relied on taxes on imported goods, but difficulties in navigation in the Atlantic and a crisis in the exchange rate as consequences of the war, impacted negatively on the offer of imported goods, as well as tax collect. After the First World War, the domestic market kept on developing and taxes on consumer goods played more and more important role on the Union's tax revenues. 44 So, the relevant contribution of breweries to the fiscal collect was always remembered when companies lobbied for their interests, and came into play when congressmen discussed temperance bills and sale taxes.\par
An example of the position of breweries versus the political support to temperance campaign offered by congressmen were the bills presented by Juvenal Lamartine, who represented Rio Grande do Norte in the Chamber of Deputies. In October 1917, Lamartine presented a bill intending to repress alcohol consumption by increasing taxes to alcoholic beverages. 
\section[{45}]{45}\par
Important newspapers supported the deputy's initiative. O País pointed out that the bill had its goal to combat "the dreadful social plague which poisons and consumes human vitality, destroying energy, morality and intelligence." The journalist lamented the bill limited chances of being passed. A similar bill, presented the previous year by Senator Eloy de Souza had ended up being filed away. The journalist argued that in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies congressmen connected to sugarcane trade resisted to bills as such. 
\section[{46}]{46}\par
Lamartine did not include all kinds of drinks in his bill. Low fermentation beers, such as Brahma's were left out. He targeted high fermentation beers, ordinary wines, and aguardente; which were perceived as more damaging. To reinforce his arguments, he included in his speech the opinion of three distinguished politically prominent physicians.  {\ref 47} They unanimously confirmed the damaging effects of alcohol on consumer's offspring, such as high infant mortality and congenital problems. Despite its arguments and reception in the press, Lamartine's bill did not pass into a law.\par
In July 1920, Juvenal Lamartine came back with a more radical bill including measures limiting alcohol and consumption.  {\ref 48} The bill proposed doubling taxes on imported beverages. It also would forbid the importation and manufacture of beverages with more than 2\% alcohol in the entire national territory. Consumption taxes would double on low fermentation beers, such as Brahma, and would triple on high fermentation beers, national wines, and aguardente. Most beer brands would be affected. Severe punishments were proposed for consumers with no distinction between occasional and constant drinkers. 
\section[{49}]{49}\par
According to the bill, anyone caught drunk would be arrested for ten days, besides being charged in 200\$000. Recidivists would pay double. A government employee caught in flagrante would be dismissed "for the good of public morality", and unable to work for the state for ten years. 
\section[{50}]{50}\par
The day after the bill was submitted, O País celebrated its perfect timing.  {\ref 51} The United States and Argentina had just passed alcohol legislation. In the U.S., the legislation was prohibitive, whereas in Argentina it was restrictive.\par
52 O País called on legislators to follow the international examples. Despite the press' efforts, Lamartine's 1920 bill was rejected as had happened in 1917. In fact, neither one was even studied by the Committee of Justice, the first step in the Chamber of Deputies. 53 Nevertheless, in 1922, the congressman succeeded in passing a bill declaring the Liga Nacional contra o Alcoolismo [National League against Alcoholism] an institution of public utility and assigning it fiscal privileges. 
\section[{54}]{54}\par
Although both of his bills were rejected, Lamartine´s political efforts to hinder alcohol consumption in Brazil did not remain fruitless; they got the public attention to the anti-alcohol cause. The political system did not encompass the idea of openly repress alcohol consumption, but it accepted imposing increasing taxes on beverages. If we examine the Budget Laws of those years, we consistently observe this trend. In 1917, for example per liter, high fermentation beers were taxed at \$180 réis, low fermentation beers had a tax of \$150 réis, and national aguardente had a tax of \$120 réis.  {\ref 55} In 1919, the federal budget revenues proposed to charge a liter of high fermentation beer at \$300 réis, and low fermentation beer and aguardente at \$240 réis.  {\ref 56} In 1922, the Federal Budget law increased aguardente at \$480 réis a liter. 
\section[{57}]{57}\par
For the rest of the decade, there was a systematic increase of taxes.\par
However, low fermentation beer producers managed to stabilize the taxes on their products.  {\ref 58} How so?\par
Realizing that raising taxes on consumer goods were inevitable, the low fermentation beer companies strongly influenced the congressional negotiations on the federal budget to defend a special fiscal treatment. for long periods, or mixed with fruits and juices in They constantly emphasized the low toxicity of their products and their significance in tax collection and public finances.  {\ref 59} Breweries lobbied in favor of its interests, low tariffs on their imported inputs and lower taxes on their products, with the argument that beer was a socially accepted beverage. 60 Large sugar cane producers had an important economic and political power too. Although they were able to block parliamentary initiatives seeking to discourage aguardente consumption, they were not able to favorably depict their product. Due to its heterogeneous network, aguardente producers could not challenge the minor, but constant increases in consumption taxes. Even so it was more expensive each day, aguardente remained popular.\par
To keep their profits despite the taxes and enlarge its market, the brewing companies adapted their advertising companies to current trends. They abandoned the focus on promoting beers with high alcohol contents, advertised as prime quality. Instead, they shifted the emphasis to the so-called second quality beers. Actually, the international market since the beginning of World War I favored Pilsner types, which were lighter, cheaper and had less alcohol.\par
Breweries also sponsored cultural productions as another strategy to keep consumers attention on their products, and, as doing so, counteract pro-temperance propaganda. Brahma funded carnival groups all around the city, funded night-clubs, and sponsored musical plays. Thus, through lobbying, sponsoring cultural events, and advertising, breweries responded to the threat of temperance movements. Their efforts consolidated beer's presence in Brazilian daily life by the early twentieth century.\par
These actions showed that politicians supported temperance ideas and preferred the consumption of less toxic beverages, like beer. They also showed that politicians were sensitive to the arguments the brewing industry lobby sustained.\par
Although the temperance campaign was directed to the whole population, its main target was the black population, seen by temperance activists as immoderate consumers. Drunkenness, lack of hygiene, and the high incidence of diseases were perceived as examples of the degeneration of non-white groups rather than a consequence of their poverty. People of either indigenous or African background suffered the shame of being poor and other negative connotations related to their marginal living conditions. This stigmatization led the leaders of the incipient black community to take on the white elite's normative discourse. Black leaders started condemning, in their press, drunkenness and gambling as the cause of their social underdevelopment. 
\section[{]}]{]}\par
This chapter aimed to show that by the early twentieth century, beer was incorporated to the daily life of Brazilian society. The efforts of the temperance movements and breweries had diverted results. The first ones had only been able to demonize backward beverages with a dark past and made urban masses to shift from their traditional sugarcane aguardente to other beverages, if their prices were attractive. The second ones had legitimized their product and repositioned it in the market. Beer had become an industrial, light, and nourishing beverage proper enough of a modern social life, without the violent impulses provoked by aguardente. Brazilian society had been receptive to the appeal of a civilized industrial nation.\par
Decades ahead, part of the black people managed to escape poverty and can take part of the consumption society. For samba organizations nowadays, beer is an irreplaceable fuel of sociability, and a torment for the remaining temperance activists in Brazil.\par
© 2020 Global Journals    {\ref 32} This is an aspect of the history of Brazilian industrialization. The so called artificial industries were the branches of industry that did not process national agricultural products. The best work on the issue is still the book: Nícia Villela Luz, A luta pela industrialização no Brasil. (São Paulo: Alfa Omega, 1978). 33 Pierce, "Sobering the Revolution," 34 Dr. Pires de Almeida, A Companhia Cervejaria Brahma perante a indústria, o comércio e a hygiene. (Rio de Janeiro: Canton \& Beyer, w/d). The book does not show the date of edition. However, there are enough elements to affirm that it was edited for the Exhibition of 1908, such as a list of the products of Brahma Company at the time.  {\ref 35} Almeida mentions the Liga anti-Alcoolica [Anti-Alcohol League], that had just been founded, he wrote. This League represents the oldest mention to a temperance civil organization found during this research.  {\ref 36} Almeida, "A Companhia Cervejaria Brahma", 49.  {\ref 37} In 1920, there were 683 rural establishments that were formally built to produce alcohol and aguardente in Rio de Janeiro State. The 1920s census organizers admitted not having investigated all small rural establishments.\par
Those domestic producers evaded the Census and were surely beyond the reach of the sales tax inspectors. Brasil. Recenseamento Geral do Brasil. January 9, 1920. Agricultura e Indústrias -Distrito Federal. Vol. III, 3rd part. (Rio de Janeiro: Tipografia da Estatística, 1927).  {\ref 38} Almeida, "A Companhia Cervejaria Brahma", 10.  {\ref 39} At this point, a parallel with the United States is irresistible. In Brazil, the Lager process of producing beer -that is, the storage under low temperatures -was seen as representing the arrival of the country at industrial modernity, while in the United States, historians argue that Lager represented the opposite. About this, Criblez wrote: "In fact, lager beer became an important symbol of German resistance to assimilation and was appropriated by the forces of temperance as a symbol of Old World decadence, corruption, and foreignness".  {\ref 40} O País, August 4, 1907. 41 Jornal do Brasil, "A cerveja é bebida privilegiada",  {\ref August 11,1912. 42} That is a remarkable aspect of the good, since no domestic refrigeration was available at the time.  {\ref 43}   October 23, 1917. There is no historical study of the political representation of sugar cane industry in the Brazilian Congress. However, it is well known that in the first three decades of the 20th century, drastic changes were in store, such as the marginalization of Northeast producers from the larger consuming markets -Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. At the same time, there was a persistent growth in the production of Minas Gerais, a state that borders Rio, on a low technological basis. For the overall picture of sugar cane production in Brazil, see: Szmrecsányi (1988).  {\ref 47} One of the physicians was Dr. Moncorvo Filho.  {\ref 48} Bill no. 86/1920. Anais da Câmara dos Deputados [Annals of the Chamber of Deputies], July 6, 1920.     \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{} \par 
\begin{longtable}{P{0.8127685950413223\textwidth}P{0.03723140495867769\textwidth}}
Year 2020\tabcellsep \\
D )\tabcellsep Alcool e outras Drogas for posts condemning Brazilian\\
\multicolumn{2}{l}{consumers' attitude towards beer. Access: www.abead. com.br There are no reliable statistic of per capita consumption of alcohol in Brazil. Breweries' websites inform that the per capita consumption of beer is 12.41 gallons/year; while websites of the sugar cane spirit industry inform that Brazilians consume 2.9 gallons/year of their products. 4 A history of the beer industry in Brazil is explored in: T. C. N. Marques, "Capital, Cerveja e Consumo de Massa: a Trajetória da Brahma, 1888-1933" (Doctorate diss., Universidade de Brasília, 2003). 5 There are infinite names for sugar cane brandy in popular culture. Here the old word aguardente was chosen, for this is how Brazilian fiscal authorities named the product, but I could also name it cachaça, pinga, marvada, and so on. See: Luís da Câmara Cascudo, Prelúdio da Cachaça. Etnografia, História e Sociologia da aguardente no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto do Açúcar e do Álcool, 1968). For an insightful study of alcohol consumption during colonial times, see: L. E. B. Avelar, "A moderação em excesso: estudo sobre a história das bebidas na ( Global Journal of Human Social Science -}\end{longtable} \par
 
\caption{\label{tab_0}}\end{figure}
 \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{} \par 
\begin{longtable}{}
\end{longtable} \par
  {\small\itshape [Note: 46  O País,]} 
\caption{\label{tab_1}}\end{figure}
 		 		\backmatter  			 \par
Câmara dos senhores deputados relativos ao ano de 1917. (Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1918). The same source was researched for parliamentary activities from 1918 to 1922. In no year Lamartine´s bills were considered by the Committee of Justice and sent to the floor for discussion.  {\ref 54}    {\ref 59} For the peculiar process of entrepreuneurial lobbying at the time, see: Angela de Castro Gomes, "A República não oligárquica e o liberalismo dos empresários" in, S. Silva, and T. Szmrecsanyi, (ed.) História econômica da Primeira República (São Paulo: Hucitec, 2002).  {\ref 60} The breweries also mentioned the beneficial effects of their activities on the productive chain, as a result of the acquisition of raw material and manufactured products such as wood, bottles, sugar from national producers. Furthermore, they highlighted the amount of jobs they generated. Declaration of the Antártica Paulista Inc. to the Chamber of Deputies. 			 			  				\begin{bibitemlist}{1}
\bibitem[Marques and Pdf]{b19}\label{b19} 	 		\textit{},  		 			Marques 		,  		 			Pdf 		.  		 	 
\bibitem[Lima and Rio De Janeiro ()]{b16}\label{b16} 	 		\textit{},  		 			H Lima 		,  		 			Rio De Janeiro 		.  	 	 		\textit{Imprensa Nacional}  		1914. p. 83.  	 
\bibitem[Imparcial and Noite (1928)]{b6}\label{b6} 	 		\textit{},  		 			O Imparcial 		,  		 			Noite 		.  		December 24, 1928.  	 
\bibitem[Da (1933)]{b7}\label{b7} 	 		\textit{},  		 			Correio Da 		,  		 			Manhã 		.  		January 14, 1933.  	 
\bibitem[Cancelli ()]{b9}\label{b9} 	 		\textit{A cultura do crime e da lei},  		 			E Cancelli 		.  		2001. p. .  		 			Brasília: Universidade de Brasília 		 	 
\bibitem[About the political debate surrounding the Centennial celebration, see: M. Motta, A nação faz cem anos The Independence from Portugal was proclaimed in September 7, 1822 ()]{b13}\label{b13} 	 		‘About the political debate surrounding the Centennial celebration, see: M. Motta, A nação faz cem anos’.  	 	 		\textit{The Independence from Portugal was proclaimed in September 7, 1822},  				 (Rio de Janeiro)  		1992. Fundação Getúlio Vargas.  	 	 (About the temperance entity, see: Schwarcz 1993, 268, note 26) 
\bibitem[African descendents and European immigrants See: J]{b0}\label{b0} 	 		‘African descendents and European immigrants’.  	 	 		\textit{See: J}  		 	 
\bibitem[aimed at converting the Liga Nacional contra o Alcoolismo into a civil association of public utility Câmara dos Deputados. Sinopse dos Trabalhos da Câmara dos Senhores Deputados Relativos ao Ano de 1922 (1922)]{b12}\label{b12} 	 		‘aimed at converting the Liga Nacional contra o Alcoolismo into a civil association of public utility’.  		 120/1920.  	 	 		\textit{Câmara dos Deputados. Sinopse dos Trabalhos da Câmara dos Senhores Deputados Relativos ao Ano de 1922},  				 (Rio de Janeiro)  		August, 14, 1922. January 24. 1923. 1923. 665.  	 	 (resulted in Decree) 
\bibitem[Ambev Inc. has not allowed us to reproduce the Malzbier flier in this book. Brahma brewing was founded]{b21}\label{b21} 	 		\textit{Ambev Inc. has not allowed us to reproduce the Malzbier flier in this book. Brahma brewing was founded},  		 	 
\bibitem[Because state newspapers republished articles from Rio]{b8}\label{b8} 	 		\textit{Because state newspapers republished articles from Rio},  		de Janeiro´s press.  	 
\bibitem[Brazil received the larger quantity of African slaves during the three hundred years of legal Atlantic slave trade. See: L. Florentino, Em costas negras: uma história do tráfico de escravos entre a África e o Rio de Janeiro See also: J. Miller, Way of Death ()]{b2}\label{b2} 	 		‘Brazil received the larger quantity of African slaves during the three hundred years of legal Atlantic slave trade. See: L. Florentino, Em costas negras: uma história do tráfico de escravos entre a África e o Rio de Janeiro’.  	 	 		\textit{See also: J. Miller, Way of Death},  				 (São Paulo; Madison)  		2002. 1997. University of Wisconsin Press.  	 	 (Throughout the Americas) 
\bibitem[Low fermentation beer, instead, was produced by industrial entities that required heavy financial investment in equipments. There were only three companies of this sort in Rio then. As the German capital had an important share in Brahma's capital, until First World War the propaganda of the company insisted on claiming that its products resulted from rigid German beer production standards. See: T.C.N. Marques High fermentation beer resembles Ale beer and was produced by small entrepreneurs all around the town; mostly the factory owners were born in Portugal ()]{b18}\label{b18} 	 		‘Low fermentation beer, instead, was produced by industrial entities that required heavy financial investment in equipments. There were only three companies of this sort in Rio then. As the German capital had an important share in Brahma's capital, until First World War the propaganda of the company insisted on claiming that its products resulted from rigid German beer production standards. See: T.C.N. Marques’.  		 1888/1917.  		 \url{http://www.bbs.edu.br/geral/geral/07Teresa\%20}  	 	 		\textit{High fermentation beer resembles Ale beer and was produced by small entrepreneurs all around the town; mostly the factory owners were born in Portugal},  				2005.  	 	 (História e Economia) 
\bibitem[Moncorvo ()]{b20}\label{b20} 	 		 			Artur Moncorvo 		,  		 			Filho 		.  		\textit{Alcoolismo infantil; (lecture given October},  				 (Rio de Janeiro)  		1927. 1928. Pongetti. 18 p. 29.  	 	 (at the Liga de Higiene Mental) 
\bibitem[Hahner ()]{b1}\label{b1} 	 		\textit{Poverty and Politics: the Urban Poor in Brazil},  		 			Hahner 		.  		1986. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. p. .  	 
\bibitem[Schwarcz and Espetáculo Das Raças ()]{b5}\label{b5} 	 		 			L M Schwarcz 		,  		 			Espetáculo Das Raças 		.  		\textit{Cientistas, Instituições e Questão Racial no Brasil},  				 (São Paulo)  		1993. Companhia das Letras. p. .  	 
\bibitem[See and De Holanda ()]{b3}\label{b3} 	 		‘See also the Ernani Silva Bruno collection database, available at Museu da Casa Brasileira’.  		 			: S B See 		,  		 			De Holanda 		.  		 \url{Acess:www.mcb.sp.gov.br/ernMain.asp13}  	 	 		\textit{Caminhos e Fronteiras},  				 (Rio de Janeiro)  		1957.  	 
\bibitem[The first voices defending the mass immigration of European people to Brazil were heard in the 1870s, but only after the abolition of slavery in 1888 the movement of Italian, Portuguese, and German immigrants became demographic relevant]{b11}\label{b11} 	 		\textit{The first voices defending the mass immigration of European people to Brazil were heard in the 1870s, but only after the abolition of slavery in 1888 the movement of Italian, Portuguese, and German immigrants became demographic relevant},  		 	 
\bibitem[The Penha festival was a religious and popular celebration that took place on Rio´s suburbia district of the same name every weekend of October. Building a sanctuary in hills, such as the Penha hill, was a tradition in Portugal that Portuguese immigrants preserved while living in Brazil. Local people rushed to the festival in large numbers, searching either for religious comfort or amusements with food and drinks sold at the place]{b14}\label{b14} 	 		\textit{The Penha festival was a religious and popular celebration that took place on Rio´s suburbia district of the same name every weekend of October. Building a sanctuary in hills, such as the Penha hill, was a tradition in Portugal that Portuguese immigrants preserved while living in Brazil. Local people rushed to the festival in large numbers, searching either for religious comfort or amusements with food and drinks sold at the place},  		 	 	 (as well as to hear musicians' performances) 
\bibitem[This subject is developed by Schwarcz ()]{b10}\label{b10} 	 		\textit{This subject is developed by Schwarcz},  				1993.  	 
\bibitem[União Brasileira pró-Temperança Seleção de Contribuições Anti-alcoólicas ()]{b4}\label{b4} 	 		‘União Brasileira pró-Temperança’.  	 	 		\textit{Seleção de Contribuições Anti-alcoólicas},  				 (Rio de Janeiro)  		1925-1950. 1954. Rodrigues \& Cia.  	 
\bibitem[União Brasileira pró-Temperança ()]{b15}\label{b15} 	 		\textit{União Brasileira pró-Temperança},  		1954.  	 
\bibitem[which is so familiar to us and so largely consumed, deserves a more careful consideration under the alcoholism point of view (?)". Estado de São Paulo. Departamento de Saúde. Seção de Propaganda e Educação Sanitária. O que se deve saber sobre o alcoolismo]{b17}\label{b17} 	 		\textit{which is so familiar to us and so largely consumed, deserves a more careful consideration under the alcoholism point of view (?)". Estado de São Paulo. Departamento de Saúde. Seção de Propaganda e Educação Sanitária. O que se deve saber sobre o alcoolismo},  		 	 	 (It is said that "aguardente, also called pinga. São Paulo, no date, pamplhet) 
\end{bibitemlist}
 			 		 	 
\end{document}
