Dehumanizing the Indian Labor Forces in the Arab Gulf Countries: When the Voiced is Silenced # Mr. Mansour Ali Mohammad Almaswari Abstract-Around the globe, among every six people, one is Indian. India famously refers to as the "Incredible cradle of civilization." It is the home place of diversity, multiculturalism, integrity, and peace. For thousands of years, Indian people have nonviolently struggled a lot for equality, freedom and justice; and portrayed a positive image of good human beings both nationally, and supranationally. On the international level, India has historically maintained close and friendly relations with many Arab and Islamic countries where many Indian migrants head for in search of a living. The Indian Diaspora is dominant in today's world of migration. In the Gulf Arab States, for example, the Indian community represents the salient number of expatriate residents. They have been playing pivotal roles in the development and progress of the Gulf States. Yet, many of them lack the fundamental human rights. Their contribution is undervalued and unseen by the egoism of the Gulf native residents. Large numbers of the Indian expatriates are objectified. They voicelessly experience degradation, underestimation, and cruelty; and feel that they are unfairly treated and degraded. This paper, thus, sets out to painstakingly examine the exploitation and cruel destiny the Indian workforce encounters in the Arab Gulf States, unearths the actual darkness of the Indian community in the KSA & UAE; and brings into light Indian expatriates contribution to the progress and luxurious life in the Gulf States; and at the same time how these communities vilify the Indian working force based on ethnic and religious standards. ver the last few decades, the Gulf Cooperation Council States (GCC) of the KSA, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, and UAE in the Arabic Peninsula have constituted a chief destination for global labor force migration. Due to the increasing demand of oil industry, dynamic global marketing and capitalism, the flow of foreign migrants to these oil-rich states have recorded the highest ratio in the world. Many work power migrants from non-Gulf Arabs, Asians, Africans Europeans, and the entire globe make the Arab Gulf states their preferred destination for mainly two considerations; "Firstly, the regions intrinsic position at the heart of the world's reliance on fossil fuels and secondly, the region's extrinsic dependence on the world for its manpower needs" 1 (Cyrill 40). However, South Asian migrants from the Indian subcontinent constitute the largest non-national community in the GCC states, and Indian workforces have the lion's share of the human capital in the oil-rich countries. They occupy the highest number of man force. Indian workers "Have proven to be less of an ideological threat to the host states as they largely refrain from participating in any organized protests or anti-regime activities. They generally tolerate lower wages and tend to migrate without their families... easier to segregate, easier to lay off and are considered to be more efficient and easier to manage. They usually do not interact much with the local population, do not make claims upon the state for benefits and may be expelled from the country with far fewer political repercussions (43)" 2 Besides, the Indian working community's presence is crystal clear in the Arabic Peninsula. It is in a constant state of flow because of the scarcity of better working opportunities in their own country and the proximity of the oil-rich region to India. The potent presence of the Indians laborers in the Gulf States, particularly the unskilled and semiskilled workers, is confronted with many challenges and obstacles, almost the same way any other workforce form non-Gulf Arabs, Africans, and Asians encounter. But the ill-treatment Indian workers perceive is a general tendency and a social phenomenon in the Gulf societies. This negative phenomenon of badly treating the workers in the GCC states can better be understood in the way the Indian workers are humiliated, exploited and challenged in dignity and denied in their characters. In countries like Oman and Bahrain, the ill-treatment is less because the social gap between citizens and expatriates is narrower due to the active participation of the native citizens, active working mechanisms through which the worker-sponsor relationship is vividly stated and the lower percentage of expatriates in these countries in comparison with the original people. In Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and the UAE, "where the percentage of migrant workers accounts for more than half the total population" structural violence reports against the outside workers are high because the "sponsorship system is not just one institution among others; it is the central institution, one that defines identities, rights, and obligations." 3 (Longava 22) Though positive initiatives have been taken to make working laws more flexible to protect the workers' rights, still Gulf Countries are so late in issues of outside workers' rights and protection, if compared to other hosting countries in Europe or America. Expatriate workers in the Gulf States are dependent on the sponsors, media sponsors, or the hosting states misreport their tragedy. In this research, however, dehumanization and exploitation as a phenomenon will be confined and critically verbalized to the Indian working community in the KSA and UAE as both countries host the highest number of Indian laboring community. Like any migrant workers from all walks of life, the Indian working laborers migrate in search of better opportunities they did not find in their homelands. They anticipate to make a better life for their children, families; and to secure their future too. Yet, many of their dreams shatter as the glittering image media portrays in their minds of better chances abroad, particularly in the Gulf States are, in fact, a matter of luck because the reality contradicts that image. Many obstacles hinder their stability and unsecure their rights, starting from the visa grant until their journey of hardships in the host countries. Sponsorship problems, migration policies, mobility restrictions, bonded labor works, exploitation, abuse, and freedom and rights confiscation are examples of the hardships many unskilled Indian workers confront in the Gulf countries they work. While migrant labors' exploitation, abuse, and victimization are universal phenomena, the scope of dehumanization and violation in the Gulf Arab countries is incomparable. Tracing the reports and researches in this regard dreads the hearts. There, "oil and money can do whatever those people want without consideration to human dignity, rights, or personal freedom. Oil is thicker than outsiders' blood, and money is more important than the laborers' dignity. Common humanity is an absent concept, and self centricity domains the psyche of most of these [Saudi] people. Citizenship is the only criterion of justice, mercy, dignity, and freedom." 4 Dr. Mohammed Ansari comments. Many reports record the highest number of abuse and humiliation in these two countries on the regional and global levels. As almost all the non-European or American expatriates, many of the Indian laborers daily and recurrently experience different types of segregation, humiliation, and injustice. Dr. Shamlan Yousef, an Arab intellectual, clearly acknowledged that "No one can deny the fact that policies of discrimination and oppression are being practiced in the Gulf countries against the foreign workforces in terms of low salaries, long working hours and absence of rights." 5 Indian workers find themselves subjected to abuse that amount to a force labor and are perceived as objects or properties by many people of the KSA and UAE. Thus, exploitation of the Indian workforce is marked in the way many workers are requested to forcefully work beyond the conditions of the bond of the sponsors. Many sponsors fully exploit their workers because none can question them in their homelands or so they think. They make use of the laborers for whatever they want, and in case the workers refuse, they are easily kicked out; their stay visas are cancelled and in many cases, they are beaten and sent behind bars. The subject-object boundary between the sponsors and Indian workers in the Arab Gulf countries widens due to the sponsors' ego culture of objectification. The self-centric culture of some sponsors leads to an ethical gap that violates the migrant workers' freedom and confiscates their rights. Some Sponsors consider themselves as masters who possess workers like any object. The problem of ego objectification is well represented and well seen by the eyes of the ill-treated and victimized people. In this particular point, John Rector remarks, "It is often difficult for those who are oriented toward the having mode to understand or appreciate the lives of those who live more according to being. They often accuse such individuals of "doing nothing," or at least, of not doing anything productive 6 " (Rector 124). Additionally, many Gulf People, like their ruling elites, sum themselves up in terms of what they possess to prove that they weight in their societies as individuals. 4 Dr. Mohammed Shaukat Ansari, is an Associate Professor in English, M. L.S. M. College, Darbhanga, Bihar, India. He has been to Saudi Arabia for a couple of years as an Academician and a Former Professor of English in the MOHE, Saudi Arabia. [Personal Interview at Osmania University Centre for International Programs 'OUCIP', Osmania University, Hyderabad-India. Friday, January 19th, 2018 at 5:15 Pm. 5 http://www.mei.edu/content/migration-and-human-rights-gulf 6 Rector John M. The Objectification Spectrum: Understanding and Transcending our Diminishment and Dehumanization of Others. Oxford University Press, p. 124. Print. # Volume XIX Issue VII Version I # ( C ) Their psyches have been systemized in a way that would articulate what Eckhart Tolle once said, "I have. Therefore I am, and the more I have, the more I am" 7 (Tolle 45). In contrast, John M, Rector in The Objectification Spectrum: Understanding and Transcending our Diminishment and Dehumanization of Others rebukes the 'Having Mode' that many Gulf people think and act. He rather asserts the 'Being Mode' as a lifestyle for the well educated and cultured communities. He further points out: The being mode of existence grounds life on the authenticity, aliveness, or quality of experience. In this mode, we are not oriented toward having, nor do we crave any specific possessions, but nonetheless, we are peaceful and have access to a full range of physical, emotional, intellectual, and spiritual/intuitive faculties, which we utilize productively. In the being mode, we feel "at one" with the world. The having and being modes have straightforward implications on our tendencies to objectify others. They represent opposing ends of spectrum typifying our fundamental orientation to the world. Both are firmly rooted in human experience; we all live in both modes to one degree or another" 8 # (Rector 120) As a result of the 'Having Mode' sense, many Gulf people have become less kind-hearted, and their behaviors and treatment with the expatriates became intolerable. Indian working class, unfortunately, has been victimized variously as an outcome of such an egoistic culture. The following sections depict some of the challenges the Indian workmen community undergoes in the above-mentioned countries. The Arabic term Kafala, which means or sponsorship, is a rule in force and a strict system implemented by the Gulf States to organize and monitor the migrant labor force flow in the region. It is a structure that is planned to ensure full structural dependency on the sponsor. Due to the absence of a free and transparent labor market in the Gulf countries, "The kafala system, which has been described as modern-day slavery, leaves migrant laborers vulnerable to human trafficking and forced labor practices, and has resulted in gross human rights abuses. The system is described as a form of 'structural violence' by which employers confiscate passports and report "absconding" workers to authorities to avoid punishment themselves" 9 Kafala system gives the sponsors almost full control over sponsored migrants' salary, living conditions, mobility, working hours, the ability to work elsewhere, or even leaving the host country back home. Dehumanizing labor forces in the Gulf States in the name of sponsorship is a prominent feature and a daily incident. It has been institutionalized in the name of guardianship, a slave-like system that grants sponsor or guarantor an absolute authority on the guarantee. Many international human rights organizations repeatedly condemn the pathetic conditions of the over-crowded accommodations, the deprivation of health insurance, irregular payments of wages and salaries, and the increasing working hours with lower wages. Human Rights Watch reports sound horrible for the condition of the laborers in these countries. "Many [migrant workers] suffer abuses and exploitation, sometimes amounting to conditions of forced labor 10 " Sponsor and labor agencies and companies deal with labors as objects and working machines with no regard for human life. Moral consciousness has no place in the guarantors' dictionary. Expulsion without reason is a further violation worth mentioning. International laws and conventions on the migrants' rights are ignored by the Gulf countries and their labor laws do not meet the lowest standards of protection for migrants. "The culture of rights is weak in our societies; unless we enhance this culture at the regional level, migrant workers will continue to be exploited and their rights would be abused" 11 Khowla Mattar, a senior specialist on workers' rights at the ILO's regional office for Arab states, said. She also noted that "Gulf States habitually deny the problem of human trafficking and human rights abuses towards migrant workers...The labor laws in the Gulf are not compatible with international conventions. Rather, companies continue to prosper at the expense of poor workers." 12 In the UAE, for example, where reports clarify that the foreigners' percentage accounts for more than eighty-five percent of the total population; sponsorship is a central system that defines rights, obligations and migrants' identities. Sponsors whether institutions, individuals, or agents address many workers including the Indians very cruelly; challenge their freedom and forcefully mute their voices. Indian workers are to be deported if they accept working with another sponsor without the consent of the original guarantor. Sponsors set unfair labor contracts that mislead random wage rates, long working hours, very pathetic conditions of in the UAE." The President and Fellows of Harvard College: Center for Health and Human Rights Stable: Health and Human Rights, Vol. 13, No. 2, December 2011, P. 19 Accessed: 05-01-2018 10 Indian Maids in Saudi Arabia, T.V repot shown on RT Channel and discusses the Slave in Saudi Arabia https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=NQNWX_a533M 11 http://www.mei.edu/content/migration-and-human-rights-gulf 12 http://www.mei.edu/content/migration-and-human-rights-gulf overcrowded accommodation and a total absence of health insurance. Sponsored workers remain dependent on the mercy and goodwill of the sponsor to stay in the host country. These things form the most violating and abusing aspects of the region's labor regulating system, and this rule "hampers both the migrant's freedom of movement and the free functioning of labor market. The mobility of labor that markets require is hindered by sponsorship legislation" 13 (Fargues, BelAir, and Shah: 3). The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is, undoubtedly, the largest economy in the Arab region. More than any other country in the GCC States, Saudi Arabia has been seen as a haven for Indian subcontinent job seekers as it hosts the largest number of expatriate working force in varied sectors, particularly in the construction, cleanliness, domestic jobs and oil industry. For the Indian workers, the KSA is a favored destination with almost 3.5 million workers in many sectors and constitutes the major number of expatriates. Tracing their conditions, many Indian laborers find themselves trapped on false promises to work there with agent companies and sponsors. Some agents exploit the Indian workers, charging them lakhs of rupees for visa issuance in false commitments of granting them getting high rate wages. Agents sign contacts with them to work in specific companies and specific workplaces with 'a bonded labor system', and when they start working, workers are blackmailed by their companies for extra working hours, overloaded works, and fewer wages than stated in the contracts. They became twice scapegoats of the agents' exploitation and companies' blackmailing. Many Indian workers have the belief that these presentday gulf Arab people are the epitome of evil. Marcus Düwell, in his book entitled Humiliation, Degradation, and Dehumanization-Human Dignity Violated describes the pathetic conditions, abuse and segregation bonded labor system workers are exposed to as follows: suffered individually but also to identify the resources that may allow for the limiting, negating or negotiating of those violations 14 (p. 191). # The conditions of subjugation within bonded labor relations with regard to the laborers' experiences of deprivation, degradation, and annihilation, and the violations of dignity that may result. It is argued that seemingly comparable humiliating conditions may be processed and dealt with differently by different bonded laborers... Once we stop reducing bonded laborers to their bondage and pay attention to their collective and individual identities, their social practices and social spaces, we may not only be in a position to grasp the extent of violations Another example of the Indian workforce ordeal and segregation is the tragedy of thousands of the destitute Indian laborers who were stranded in the KSA due to the oil price slumps and financial bankruptcy of some Saudi companies in the last five years. They were in turmoil after losing their jobs in their companies and, their salaries were denied for a couple of months. They could neither afford home nor even afford to buy food to survive. Only the Indian government interfered and sent them food and urgent aids to the KSA to save their lives after their plight became known to the world. Otherwise, they would strive without any grain of mercy from their sponsors or hosting country, i.e., the KSA. Sexual abuse and physical exploitation are also amongst the many challenges the Indian laboring forces, particularly domestic maids, encounter in the KSA. Many testimonies disclose the dreadful conditions of many Indian maids and the ill-treatment they were being treated with, beaten, and forcefully exploited for sexual pleasures of the sponsors or employers. Noorjahan Akbar Husen, from Ahmadabad, India, narrates her nightmarish life in Saudi Arabia when she was offered a domestic job as a maid there in KSA. She tearfully asserts, The owners of the house where I had worked for treated me very badly. They used to beat me every day, harass and torture me. When I inform the Indian embassy people, they told me to continue working in the house. They said if I complain, the owner will make a false complaint against me and the local government may put me and my husband in jail... my owner prevented me from leaving the country by using his influence in the embassy. Many owners in Dammam are in contact with the Indian embassy people, so they bribe them and prevent maids like me from leaving the country [KSA]. In Dammam alone, I saw around two hundred girls like me. They torture them too. The owners use their maids however they want. 15 Without a shadow of a doubt, domestic abuses are tolerated in the KSA as in the rest of the Gulf States because the strict sponsorship laws restrict and confiscate the laborers' rights and dignity as well. Indian workers, particularly domestic workers and maids, are challenged in their characters and honor. Daily abuses are legal for the guardian sponsors as the kafala system has been legislatively institutionalized to a new slave-like system where workers are bound to their guardians stripped of their passports upon arrival. They are forced to work under different circumstances, even when they are ill or injured. Maids work continuously for long hours with no rest, and are denied fair payment. Noor Jahan Hussein, a former Indian maid in Saudi Arabia, further advice all Indian females not to go for working in the KSA. "I would say to all those who want to go to KSA to work, dreaming of becoming rich is all false. It is all a lie. The people who go there got tortured, abused and sexually exploited. I spent more money in returning to India than my earning in Saudi. All women should avoid going to KSA and repeating the mistake I made. I saw a horrible life in KSA" 16 , she concludes. S. Cavell, an author of Exporting Made in America Democracy, reported. "The practice of sexual slavery is able to continue in the KSA because of the structure of the regime in. It's a corrupt regime run by the house of Saud, a family dynasty that is unelected and rules with an armed force 17 ." Segregation and racial discrimination in the UAE are vivid practices marked in the way the Indian laboring community is exploited for more work and less payment, and in the way Indian community is deprived of the same rights the western or Europeans enjoy in the same hosting country and for the same working efforts. "Indians, along with other migrants from lower-paid national groups, tend to segregate in tightly bound and densely populated geographic spaces. Western expatriates on the other hand, are provided assistance at most levels of the migration process such as housing, moving costs, schooling, transportation allowances, healthcare, and visa fees, and these are included within their employment packages... This has set up a highly stratified racial, ethnic and class system in the UAE, which has spilled into the social and cultural lives of Indian migrants" 18 (Melissa Cyrill: 170). Another phase of exploitation is that of Indian female workforces. Many female workers are subjected to daily physical and verbal abuse and sexual exploitation. Being misled when coming to the country to work, they find themselves forced to work against their wills in many cases, for flesh business and sex rackets. In Dubai alone, which is the destination of sex tourism and the capital of prostitution in the Middle East region, many females find it difficult to disobeying the sponsors' orders of whatever they are asked to do. In their research paper entitled "Human rights and health disparities for migrant workers in the UAE", Sevil Sonmez et al assert that "Economic growth has led also 16 Indian Maids in Saudi Arabia. TV Report shown on RT Channel and discusses the Slave in Saudi Arabia https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=NQNWX_a533M 17 Ibid. 18 Cyrill, Melissa Marilyn. The Impact of Workforces Nationalisation on Indian expatriates in the GCC states: a case study of the U.A.E. New Delhi: Centre for West Asian Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, 2015. M.A Thesis. p. 170 to a boom in the UAE's sex trade; women and girls are trafficked into the country, while others come voluntarily to make money-as a result, the UAE (Dubai in particular) has become known as "the 'center for prostitution' in the Middle East (17)." 19 Furthermore, the Indian women's labor community confronts ruthless treatment by the work laws or sponsors. Many Indians, however, "On arrival in the fairytale land of Dubai, their dreams often turn into a nightmare of bare survival. These girls become the slaves of the 21 st century, and there is no escape. Abused in a country where they have no voice and no alternatives, many see suicide as the only way out. A few dares to flee, wandering the streets of Dubai or finding temporary refuge in one of the few, overfilled emergency shelters in the city." 20 Indian laborers, as others too, believe that they pay money to buy slavery in the KSA and UAE. For them, today's slavery in UAE, KSA, and the other Gulf States as well is worse than the pre-Islam slavery system because the pre-Islam slave masters used to buy slaves for themselves while today slave masters are paid off to have slave-like workers. The relationship between sponsor and worker is as humiliating as was the master-slave relationship pre-Islam. The global picture of Dubai and the UAE, in general, is that of skyscrapers, the tallest luxurious hotels and tree islands. Yet, the reality of Dubai is entirely opposite. False appearance of the city presents it to the world as a mere skeleton without any sense of humanity. "As a result of lenient laws and entertainment not easily found in neighboring countries, Dubai has become a sex tourism destination. Prostitution is not new to Dubai; in fact it has been viewed as another act of commerce since the 1970s-if not earlier-and has been regulated for health purposes. While illegal, prostitution may represent 30 percent of Dubai's economy. Commercial sex workers operate out of apartment brothels and hotels, walk the streets, and work in clubs. Many sex workers in the UAE have been trafficked into the country for the purpose of commercial sexual exploitation and labor to meet increased demand. Foreign women are reportedly recruited under the guise of work as secretaries, waitresses, or hotel workers by third-country recruiters and coerced into prostitution upon arrival (Sonmez et al. 23-4)." 21 Besides, many people know Dubai for its massive skyscrapers and luxurious hotels, but few know that the city was built through modern-day slavery. Dubai, "The fairytale in the Middle East of the twenty-first century is built by slaves and bonded labors...The story of the migrant workers is the dark side of Dubai. The side which annual 1.1 million British visitors to this country never see" 22 . Ben Anderson, BBC reporter, narrates after an on-site visit to the workers' camps and workplaces in Dubai for making documentary. Another testimonial account is of an Indian agent, namely Almass Pardiwala, who reports the unbearable conditions of the Indian laborers in Dubai. She was stunned and aggravated by what she found. She states, "Right now, I seriously wish the world would wake up and look beyond the glitter to the actual darkness which is there behind. I seriously don't think there is a lot of moral consciousness amongst the employers [sponsors] over here. And I would not say just one of the companies. Most of the companies have no regard for human life or the human element of this job. That does not [INAUDIBLE]. Absolutely no regard" 23 , Almass concludes. Like other expatriates in the KSA, UAE, and the rest of the Gulf countries, Indians contribute to the diversity, progress, and prosperity of the Saudi and Emirati communities. The luxurious life the Gulf peoples enjoy has been on the cost of the expatriates who spend day and night making a better life for the national citizens. Nevertheless, the foreign citizens in general and Indians in particular, find it difficult to be socially and culturally amalgamated to the Gulf Arab culture because of the racist looks these communities treat the non-Gulf people. They undervalue the working forces and put a socio-cultural boundary between them and the migrating communities. Their ethnocentric and conservative nature hinders the socio-cultural assimilation and coexistence as well. Most of the working forces usually live in separate areas, live their own life and do their practices without overtaking the socio-cultural norms of the hosting country. "While the Gulf countries are, in per capita terms, the top recipients of global migrants, their laws bar the door of citizenship against not only migrants but also those born to migrants and still living in the country. Close to 50 percent of the 50 million residents in the Gulf are noncitizens. Not only do non-citizens have fewer rights than citizens, but their very presence must be negotiatedand can be questioned -at any moment (Philippe Fargues, et al. 3)." 24 Many of the Indian working communities have been staying in the KSA and UAE for decades, and sometimes for second-generation Indians were born and grew up in the Gulf States and know no other home than their hosting countries. Yet, they are perceived as foreign workers, who are restricted to their work and culture. They are not considered as part of these communities, at least culturally to add uniqueness and diversity to the Gulf communities. Many Gulf people look and treat Indian community inferiorly and make funny remarks about the Indian working community. This is common to all, and social media is full of such black comedy. Thus, the Indians form their own community abroad and live in groups, enjoy their way of cooking, living, and enjoy their simple life away of the arrogance and the complexity of superiority of the Gulf societies. Many reports have disclosed the fact that many unskilled Indian workers in the GCC countries, like many workers from other Asian and African nationalities, are abused and mistreated simply because they belong to the third world and less economic rank countries. Their significant role in the development of those countries is unappreciated. Not only that, but they are also separated socially and culturally in the Gulf countries; and forced into leading their closed way of living. Keeping expatriates in such pathetic conditions strips them of their dignity in the hosting countries. Many Gulf people need to reconsider their attitudes towards foreign workforces, taking into consideration that we are in the twenty-first century, and it will be impossible to continue hiding the workers' trauma perpetually. The sponsorship system in the Gulf countries needs to be modified, and is to be replaced with a free labor market system that ensures maximum rights and brings justice for all expatriates who are, in the end, human beings. Amendments in the field of labor systems are required to meet the international standards of labor laws. Exploitation with fewer salaries and more working hours is also a noticeable phenomenon and general tendency in the Gulf States, which violates rights and tolerates injustice. Despite the financial profits, workers gain in the hosting states reflected in the direct and indirect remittances they remit to their families and country, still unjust payment is a challenge for many of the Indian workers. The failure of fixing the working hours and ensuring the freedom of mobility are other barriers that hinder the security of the labor forces in these countries, and raises the concerns of the international organizations related to the labor laws and rights. The Gulf States failed, to some extent, at creating a safe working atmosphere that assures the workers' respect and dignity. These states have, undoubtedly, established labor laws that intend to regulate the worker-employer relationship; but failed to regulate the worker-sponsor relationship, and this gap needs reassessment to ensure a better life for the outsiders. Many Gulf sponsors, having the money power, decide the destiny of the poor laborers and treat them so brutally. Gulf societies and sponsors need to perceive their workforces as workers, not slaves, because it's their destiny to go and work to feed their own families properly. It is not their fault to be in need. Therefore, it is inhuman to use and enslave them, not to use their power and skills. The sudden materialistic progress in infrastructure and development in the Gulf countries would make sense if, and only if, it is paralleled or balanced with intellectual advancement, moral consciousness, and ethic conscience. The GCC communities need to leave Plato's cave and see the reality as it is, not the shadow of the reality their tyrannic regimes portray, and overtake the traditional methods of treating the expatriates, including the Indian expatriates. Malpractices and categorizing people based on what they have is a short materialistic vision that results from capitalism. Humanity is the criterion of the nations' progress. In a nutshell, if the people are backward in the human sense, they remain backward in everything else because prosperity at the expense of humanity is not prosperity. 7 Qt in Rector John M. The Objectification Spectrum .Understanding and Transcending our Diminishment and Dehumanization of Others. Oxford University Press, 2008, p. 120 8 Rector, M. John. The Objectification Spectrum: Understanding and Transcending our Diminishment and Dehumanization of Others. Oxford University Press, p. 120. Print 9 Sönmez, Sevil, ApostolopoulosYorghos, Tran Diane and Rentrope Shantyana. "Human Rights and Health Disparities for Migrant Workers Anh Nga, Longva. Keeping Migrnat Workers in Check: The Kafala System in the Gulf. Middle East Report, No. 211, Trafficking and Transiting: New Perspectives on Labor Migration (Summer, 1999), pp. 20-22. Middle East Research and Information Project, Inc. (MERIP), P. 22 Sevil Sönmez, Yorghos Apostolopoulos, Diane Tran and Shantyana Rentrope. "Human rights and health disparities for migrant workers in the UAE." Health and Human Rights, Vol. 13, No. 2 (December 2011), pp. 17-35 The President and Fellows of Harvard College on behalf of Harvard School of Public Health/François-Xavier Bagnoud Center for Health and Human Rights Stabl, p. 17 Philippe Fargues, Françoise De Bel-Air, Nasra M. Shah. "Addressing Irregular Migration in the Gulf States." 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