Abstract-From the time immemorial, marital infidelity has seriously impacted on the sustainability of family structure and peaceful co-existence among families in Yoruba land in particular and Nigeria in general. Since family is considered as the basic unit of the society and whatever happens at the family level has a favourable or an adverse effect on the society. Therefore, a morally strong family setting is a morally strong society. Existing studies on marital infidelity, its attendant consequences and control have to a large extent been restricted to legal, dramatic, literary and modern conflict resolution methods with little reference to the use of Edi? festival song as an important method of controlling this deviant behaviour in traditional marriage institution in the entire discourse. Some of the methods of controlling deviant behaviour mentioned above are geared towards using various contemporary approaches to address issue of marital infidelity associated with traditional marriage institution in the society. The methods employed in carrying out this research are the interview and the Focus Group Discussion. Our findings revealed how those with deviant behaviour of marital infidelity were exposed and dealt with in songs laced with satire. While some fled the communities out of shame, others were made to pay fine and promised not to commit such anti-social act again. Recommendations will be offered on the need for stakeholders in traditional marriage institution to be alert to their responsibilities and how such festival songs can be incorporated into the modern methods of controlling marital infidelity in order to enhance a morally stable family structure which will translate to a peaceful and a crime free society. # I. Introduction n Yoruba? societies, marriage constitutes an essential step towards family formation. Under normal circumstances, persons cannot have kinsmen unless in the context of family membership or descent from a common ancestor or ancestress as the case may be or unless such a relationship is socially approved and recognised. Among the Yoruba? people, celibacy was not allowed because such act is conceived as a way of bringing to an end, the clan or lineage of the affected person. It is the belief of the Yoruba? people that there can never be a successful and productive life until an individual marries and have children. Therefore, all over Yoruba? land, Ori?bo? Meje inclusive, the issue of marriage is very important regardless of varying sociocultural practices associated with it in various places. This is encapsulated in Ifa? literature O? se? tura (O? se? ? plus Otua) as quoted by Olusola Ajibade that: Aì?iýa?o? ko? se? da?e? , bi? á ba? da?e? la?a? e? nu ni? yo? ni Ni?i? e? jo? , aì?i? o? ra?, e?i?a? ti? o? ba? lobi?ri? O? to? ka?o? lo?i? ko? sunku? gbo? ja lo? , kiì? se o? ra? aseju O? ran asesa? si? ko? A man cannot just keep quiet without a wife, keeping quiet about it only results to troubles, having a wife is as knotty as having none, A man that has no wife, is worth weeping and crying in the market square. It is neither an extreme action, nor an excessive reaction." As a result of this, Yoruba? people set out some norms guiding the activities of all the stakeholders in traditional marriage institution. The setting up of these norms is expedient because anti-social behaviours have a universal human experience. Its origin and nature are best explained within the framework of human nature and the environment in which they live. The essence of norms in traditional marriage institutions therefore is to adjust claims, right the wrongs and prevent good relationships from being broken. Some of those norms that we can identify in traditional marriage institution in Ori?bo? Meje as we have them in other communities in Yoruba? land include fidelity in marriage, conjugal rights, role responsibility, tolerance among co-wives and so on. In other words, the norms are set out to enhance a peaceful co-existence among stakeholders in traditional marriage institutions. As good as these norms are, some of them have suffered serious setbacks because of deviant behavior of marital infidelity that characterized the institution. The setbacks faced by these norms could be blamed on the incursion of western civilisation into Nigeria. Hence, efforts are being made in different quarters to address the issue. Such efforts in the traditional society were the use of songs to inculcate morality and to control deviant behaviours in the society. One of such methods is the use of Edi? festival song. Edi? song as means of deviant control worked in the past effectively, particularly in Ori?bo? Meje, where those involved in vices were exposed through songs and given necessary punishments they deserved. In spite of various initiatives and programmers of government at various levels, (local, state and federal), little has been achieved in the area of controlling deviant behaviors associated with traditional marriage institutions. The reasons for the inability of these agencies to stem the tide of deviant behaviour of marital infidelity are not far-fetched. The methods, processes and strategies employed are garbed in modern ways, which are at variance with the culture and norm of the people of Ori?bo? Meje. This work therefore, examines the use of Edi? festival song in controlling deviant behaviour marital infidelity in traditional marriage institution in Ori?bo? Meje. Edi? festival song as a form of literary art, is one of the most powerful tools used to sanction nonconformists in traditional marriage institution in Ori?bo? communities. Those who violate marital norms are punished accordingly to serve as deterrent to others and to enhance peaceful co-existence in the society. What has been observed in the contemporary Nigerian society is a serious upheaval in terms of anti-social practices manifesting in sexual immorality, infidelity and so on, which seem to have become the norm. The incorporation of Edi? festival song to the modern methods will go a long way in the control of marital infidelity in traditional marriage institution in Ori?bo? Meje in particular and other communities in general. # a) Brief Information about Ori?bo? Meje There are seven towns that make up Ori?bo-Meje. The towns came into existence simultaneously. Ipetumodu, which is regarded as the biggest and also the headquarters of the Local Government, is reliably gathered to have been as old as Ife which is regarded as the cradle of the Yoruba. The town was founded by Akala?o? , co-warrior of Oru?mila? and Oduduwa. He settled at the present site of Ipetumodu? having conquered the former occupants of the land. Akalako settled on the land for the purpose of hunting and farming. The name of Ipetumodu? was coined from Apa-Etu-Bo-Odu? (He that kills Antelope for sacrifice) .E? du? Abo? n was founded in the 15th Century A.D. by Akinjole who came from Ile-Ife. He settled in their present land in the year when palm trees bore fruits but remained green or never ripe for any consumption. Thus, we hear'' O? du? Abo? n'' (The year when palm trees suffered from unripe fruits). Moro was founded long ago by 'Laóbu? who came from Ifo? ?-O? sun in the present Orolu? Local Government. He pitched his tent beside one Oro tree (African wild Mango) near the present site of O? bafe? ?i Awo?o? wo? University (OAU). Later, he was met by an Ife prince. He humbly invited the prince to head his settlement, but the prince regarded such an offer as degrading and voluntarily gave the Obaship to Laóbu. Later, the frequent troubles of Ugbo Raiders made them to quit that site for the present site. Today, the descendants of Laóbu? rule Moro town. Historically, the city of Yakoyo? was founded by O? ru?lamo?u? in 1700A.D. At first, he named his town I?AÅ?"A? but later the well-fed, well-helped and humanely treated passers-by changed the name to YA-KI-O-WA-YO? (You passers-by, call and eat your fill). Laamokun had a wife called Tadeyo who had only a male child called AJIBEWE. Ajibewe had seven children who populated the town and now rule in turn. Asipa, another town in Ori?bo? was founded long ago by Fasina who came from Asipa's compound in Oyo town. He initially settled at Fasina near Ile -Ife before moving to his present site. Asipa in Oyo town still comes next to Alaáfin of O? yo? . Aki?lalu? was jointly founded by Ipetumodu? and Modakeke. Aki?lalu? came from Eleye's compound in Ipetumodu? from Sangotayo's side. Aki?lalu? was an ancestor of Sangotayo. Idowu Labala came from Modakeke due to family conflict and he was looking for a virgin land to practice agriculture as well as hunting. He was a follower of Ogu?mo? la? and fought alongside him in many battles. # b) Edi? Festival song in Ife? and Oribgo? Meje Among the many festive occasions that characterise Ori?bo? Meje's rich calendar of events, Edi? festival, is one of the most important and popular. Almost every festival is based on a particular occasion or circumstance. Historically, the celebration of Edi? festival originated in an event dating from what is commonly acknowledged to be an early phase of Yoruba? history, a period in which a group of newcomers led by Oduduwa settled in Ile Ife. It recalls the difficulties the new settlers had with the previous inhabitants of the area, the Ugbo, who despite being forced into the nearby forest tried to regain control. In order to do so, the Ugbo raided Ife with calculated persistence. They disturbed the town, disguised in raffia costumes and wearing face-masks. Mo? remi, who, in order to put an end to this climate of oppression, was ready to risk her life, and ultimately, sacrificed her only son, known by different names, such as E? la/Oluórogbo. Because of her courage and heroism, the warfare between the two factions ceased and possibly resulted in reconciliation, thus establishing Ora?miýa? as the "father" of all Oyo's or Yoruba? proper, and the universal conqueror of the land. Accordingly, she volunteered to discover the secret behind the terrifying beings, whose unearthly sight rendered the Ife people incapable of offering any resistance. To ensure her plan's success, she made a vow to the deity of Esinmirin River, promising that she would sacrifice anything she could afford if the deity would assist her in carrying out her plans. And so it happened. Because of her beauty, she was enslaved and given to the king. Soon, however, she won his trust and confidence, and became his wife. Once there, she revealed the secret and taught her people how to defend themselves, and eventually freeing her country. The victory was marked by the due public recognition of Mo? remi's heroic deed. After that, she went to the stream to fulfill her vow, but her reported offerings did not satisfy the divinity, who, instead, required the sacrifice of Mo? remi's only son. Grief-stricken, she finally complied with the request, and Oluórogbo was offered as sacrifice, ascending by rope to the other world. In recognition of Mo? remi's loss and sacrifice, the Ife? people promised to be her sons and daughters. It is in commemoration of Mo? remi, heroic exploits, that the people of Ife celebrate the Edi? festival. Edi? festival got to Ori?bo-Meje generally through Ipetumodu. Ori?bo-Meje as jointly called comprises seven communities. These communities are Aki?lalu, Ashi?a, Ipetumodu, Isope, Yakoyo, Moro and E? du? Abo? n. Edi? festival in Ipetumodu? came through a barren woman who eventually became a mother after she had consulted an Ifa oracle who then directed her to go and offer sacrifice to Mo? remi in Ile-Ife? if she wanted to have a child. She did it with a vow and she eventually got a child and she, as a result of this, became a worshipper of Mo? remi Ajasoro. The woman then decided to make it one of the festivals in Ipetumodu? and it later spread to other communities in Ori?bo-Meje. The period of Edi? festival is also viewed as a period of cleansing the society of deviant or anti-social behaviours. For example, there is the custom of "blocking" the door steps of thieves, adulterers, wife beaters, house-wives rivals and the habit of ridiculing those that exhibit deviant behaviours. These customs help the town to deal decisively with such negative habits during the festive period. Those who represent a kind of menace to the values on which society rests are publicly exposed. In Ori?bo? Meje communities, the Oku?rin ile, Obi?rin ile, O? mo? ile, and the choral group are the major groups that exposed the misdeeds of others. However, other groups did not initiate the singing, but reported any individual who committed any deviant behaviour to the Edi ? group. Sanctions are made visible and the festival helps in this way to build a deterrent to deviant behaviour, implicitly enhancing the values of those good behaviours already considered as norms in the society. # II. Concept of Deviant Behaviours in Traditional Marriage Institution Deviant behaviours are recognised as violation of cultural norms. Norms guide virtually all human activities, so the concept of deviance is quite broad. Norms are rules and expectations by which members of the society are conventionally guided. Deviance is an absence of conformity to these norms. Social norms differ from culture to culture. For example, a deviant act can be committed in one society that breaks a social norm there, but may be normal for another society. Sociologists describe deviant behaviours as violations of social norms. That is, any thought, feeling, or action that members of a social group judge to be a violation of their values or rules 'or group' conduct, that violates definitions of appropriate and inappropriate conduct shared by the members of a social group or the violation of certain types of group norms, where behaviours is in a disapproval direction and of sufficient degree to exceed the tolerance limit of the community. Moreover, deviant behaviours are actions which do not adhere to widely accepted social or cultural norms. Deviance can be viewed from psychological, biological and sociological perspectives. Human beings are social in nature. They hardly live in isolation but prefer to live and interact with one another. The urge to interact creates some challenges, which need to be addressed. Therefore, in order to achieve development, norms are developed to guide human interactions. One of such norms, which promotes and discourages deviant behaviours, is positive interpersonal relationship. However, Interpersonal relationship in traditional marriage institution in Ori?bo? Meje is being threatened by deviant behaviour of marital infidelity which has become a source of worry and concern to everybody. In this work, therefore, effort is made to consider the deviant behaviour of marital infidelity that is threatening the survival of family stability in traditional marriage institution in Ori?bo? Meje. # a) Marital Infidelity Marital infidelity is unfaithfulness on the part of a man or a woman having sexual affair with another man or woman other than his/her own man/woman. This is very common in Ori?bo? Meje and anybody who gets involves in this is referred to as ala?bere? (an adulterer). Ale? yiýa? or O? re? yiýa? as it is called in these communities usually involved two consenting married adults who have already married but still engage in romantic relationships, or friendships, or passionate attachment with other partners other than their marriage partners. The norm which this deviant behavior violates is the norm of fidelity in marriage for partners in marriage. It is expected that when husband and wife/wives are together in marriage, they should remain faithful and should not engage in any sexual activity outside marriage. This is because in extra marital affair, two parties are involved, the man and the woman. When a man engages in sexual relationship with a woman outside marriage, he is mocked and ridiculed by the people in the communities. Such a person is seen as a worthless person (E? ni ye? ye? , E? ni abuku). Marital infidelity passes for deviant behaviour since it goes against what is expected of married people. In Ori?bo? Meje communities, there is great respect for married people as long as they remain faithful to their partners. But any action of marital infidelity is greatly frowned at as such is considered an anti-social. As discussed above, in Yoruba? traditional society, a man is allowed by custom to marry more than one wife and any sexual affair among the wives is accepted so far they are his wives. But, any sexual activities outside the married wives are considered as (Ale? yiýa?) extramarital affair. This is not peculiar to only men in the traditional Yoruba? society, women also engage in sexual relationship outside marriage. The phenomenon of levirate marriage is not considered as extra marital affair. This is because the death of a man does not release his widow from her marriage obligation, but renders her liable to be inherited (through the system of levirate) by any member of his extended family and sometimes even by the son of his sister. This is done in order not to put an end to the lineage of the late senior brother. This does not amount to concubineage or adultery. Societal values permit sexual activities only between man and woman in a marriage relationship thus the Yoruba adage, 'A kiì? mo? o? ko? e? ni ki? a? tu? mo? ale? e? ni' meaning, "When one accepts the husband of a child, it is a taboo to also accept the concubine". Therefore, engaging in extra marital affairs certainly goes against these marital norms. The reason for engaging in this deviant behaviour however varies from one society to another. The members of various genders seem to have various issues that encourage them to try out extra marital affairs despite maintaining marriages. Many in Ori?bo? communities engage in extra marital affairs because such affairs are a source of reassurance of their desirability. Some want better sex while others feel that it is worthwhile having a change of routine or having a variety of sex. The reasons many of those engaging in extra marital affairs give for participating in extra marital sex is for emotional satisfaction. But, whatever the reason adduced by anybody as far as it goes against the norm of the society, it is a deviant behaviour. In Ori?bo? Meje, like in other cities and towns, people frown at infidelity. They express this by saying, Oju? kan ni ada? ni, ada? to? ba? loju? meji? ti d'obe? . A cutlass has only one edge, any cutlass with two edges has turned to a knife. Wives are to be loyal and faithful to their husbands. Anything short of this is interpreted as violation of marriage morality. A woman who violates this ethics is not only condemned privately, but the Edi? singers sing about his/ her misdeed publicly to teach others a lesson. This is why Adewale states that in Yoruba? societies, the kinship structure of the society makes extra marital affairs a crime not only against the husband as an individual but also against those corporate bodies with whom the husband is related. Such an adulterous man or woman usually brings shame and dishonour to the entire family (Alaí? ni? itiju? agbalagba, O? ko? itiju? ati abuku? ba? e? bi). Another Yoruba? saying is to the effect that of ale? /ala?bere, ti? ko? ba pa o? ko? re? yoó? pa ara re? . Meaning that an adulterous woman will either kill herself or her husband. In Yoruba land and Ori?bo? Meje in particular, extra marital affair breaches societal norms as it breeds an unhealthy and unwholesome relationship in society. People look down on such an individual as reckless and indecent (A ba ni loju? je? , alaí? loju? ti, aki?danida?i? agbalagba).This is because the entire family share in the shame and the ridicule (Aki? i? pe'ri? aja, ki? a? ma? pe'ri? ikoko? ti? a fi seè). Also, the whole communities see an adulterer (of ale) and his family members as not receiving the necessary training which will make him or her to conform to the norms of the society. It is also a known fact that in Ori?bo? communities, sexual relation is expected to be decently conducted with the rightful person (husband and wife/wives) and at the rightful place. What we can see here is that sex should be an affair of married people (Oju? kan l'ada? ni, ada? to? ba? loju? meji? ti d'o? be? ). In other words, it is their exclusive prerogative. Anything contrary to this is considered anti-social. Sanctions are awarded to anybody that deviates from this marriage norm in the society. Between husband and wife, faithfulness in marital relationship is a cherished virtue. In other words, extra marital sexual affair is detested. Mbiti made this assertion when he says: When adultery is discovered it is severely dealt with: in some societies the guilty person (particularly a man) would be whipped, stoned to death, made to pay compensation or have his head or part of his body mutilated. How Edi ? Festival Song Controlled Deviant Behaviour of Marital infidelity Edi? festival song has been used extensively to order the behavior of people. As we have Edi song in Origbo Meje, so also we have it in many other towns and communities in Nigeria and other countries in Africa with different nomenclatures. For instance, in many African countries, it is a medium through which the individual or society expresses its most heart-felt feelings. A number of these songs make use of satire where satirists express their complaints or grievances against certain actions committed by individuals in the community. Edi? song in particular stirs up emotions against abnormal behaviours or attitudes and arouses mass reaction against non-conformists practice. Generally, in the ancient times, there were neither written laws, nor prisons for the punishment of law breakers. # Volume XVIII Issue IV Version I ( A ) People were expected to respect the rights of other individuals in the society. They were expected to conduct themselves in a way that would promote peace and brotherhood. Those who did not and those who committed major crimes faced automatic physical torture, ranging from ostracism to ritual execution. Minor offences -adultery, liars, domineering housewives and lazy husbands -were all singled out for attack in songs. In primitive society, therefore, songs laced with satire were a manner of ridiculing, decrying and denouncing the unwanted behaviour of people in a bid to improve and amend their lives in the community. In the contemporary times, Edi? festival song is still being used as a weapon to influence people's conduct in the society. The Edi? singers, professional groups and individuals compose songs alluding to complaints about neighbours, relatives, husbands, corrupt men and rulers in the society. Whenever any case of anyone committing extra marital affairs is brought to the notice of the Edi? choral group, they make efforts to carry out an independent investigation on the matter. They did not only rely on the information brought to them by their Oku?rin ile, Obi?rin ile? or O? mo? ile? , but also do a thorough finding to establish the veracity of the allegation. When it is established that the man or the woman in question committed the said offence, they wait until Edi? festival to ridicule the person or persons in song. On the Edi? festival day, the Edi? choral group joined by other Oku?rin ile, Obi?rin ile, O? mo? ile? and the general public begin the ridicule of their victim by singing songs to create awareness that certain information has been received by their group on a deviant act of an individual in the community. This is called Iko? Edi? They sing songs to create awareness round the town. This is done to inform the members of the public to hear what certain individual has done. Most of the times, they may not mention the name of the individual, but songs are used to describe the person. This is because they would give a vivid description of their victims' identity, where he lives, what really happened, where it happened and how the action was committed. Often times, the victim must have taken to his/her heel before the Edi? festival group reached the victim's house. Usually, the victim begged for forgiveness and promised never to engage in such bad conduct again. # This is how the Edi? choral group creates awareness Wo? n ni? a? mo? wi hu? hun hu? They forbid us say it # A?a o? wi hu? hun hu? We shall say it O? ba ni? a? wi hu? hun hu? The king wants I said # A?a o? wi hu? hun hu? We shall say it Another song goes like this: Oke? yi? nile? o? fale? That is where the adulterer lives Oke? yi? nile? ase? wo? That is where the adulterer lives Oke? yi? nile? aya'ale? After this awareness has been created by the Edi? choral group and enough members of the public had followed them, they go straight to the house of their victim. They go with different types of things anybody could lay his/her hands on, ranging from stones, stick, grasses, leaves, cans and so on. Edi? festival song is an age long custom employed to sing abusive songs in front of the house of anybody known to have stolen, committed adultery, engaged in house wives rivalry or who has not been responsible during the year. The action is taken by a great multitude of crowd running up and down in the streets, singing and shouting vociferously the names of the offender and his parents (Bi? a ba? peri? aja, a o? pe ori? ikoko? ti? a fi s? e? e.), (E? ni bi? o? mo? o? ra? ni? i? po? n o? n). This further implies that anyone who has given birth to a deviant child will also share in the consequences of his/her behaviour. The running crowd would then converge in hundreds or two sets and deposit grass and rubbish of all kinds at the front door of the house of the culprit. In the olden days, when houses were built of thatch, the crowd would pull out low portions of the roof and carry them away in running procession, saying loudly that they demolished the house of so and so (Ati bile? ase? wo? lule? lo? na? o? ko? ). Thus, it served as deterrent to others. In any of these activities, they sing songs of different types. Examples of such songs that were used to ridicule those that engaged in extra marital affairs are: # Bi? e?i?a? o? mu O? lo? run a? mu If man does not catch; God is there to catch him Obi?rin to? ti ile? ale? de? to? n? gbo? ko? loju? A woman who came from her concubine's house and engaged in exchange of blow against her husband. Another one says: 27 Oni?e?ere? Ebi o? le? pa'ya to? n? d'o? ?o? An adulterous woman selling plantain chips cannot be hungry O? f'o? tu? gbowo, O? fo? wo? osi? fa'ko? mo? ?a She collected money with her right hand and Used the left to draw man's manhood to herself Oni?e?ere? Ebi? o? le? pa'ya to? n? d'o? ko An adulterous woman selling plantain chips cannot be hungry I?a? a fi idi gba le?ede? The woman that uses her body to collect vegetable Pade? mi la?uro? o Meet me at the riverside I?a? a fi idi? gba le?ede? The woman that uses her body to collect vegetable Pade? mi la?uro? o Meet me at the riverside This first song here, according to the focused group discussion we had with Baa?e, Oku?rin Ile? and Obi?rin Ile, revealed the incident of marital infidelity involving a woman and a man which resulted in an illegitimate male child. The husband did not know until three days after the naming ceremony when the Edi? group sang against her action. The shame on the part of the husband led him to divorce the woman. The woman fled and never returned to the community. She later sent people to beg the Edi? l group that she should be forgiven. she was forgiven, the shame could not allow her to return to the town. The second song above was composed by the leader of the Edi? choral group against a woman, after she had engaged in extra marital affairs and was caught by the Oku?rin ile? who instead of reporting to her husband reported to the Edi? choral group. It did not end there, they composed the song and it eventually got to the attention of the husband. But, before the husband reached home, she had packed her belongings and fled to her family house. The woman in question regretted her action because she contracted sexually transmitted disease (Aru? iba?opo? ) as a result. The singing against her misdeed was done by the Edi? choral group led by their leader Romoke. An extra marital affair is regarded as an immoral sexual relationship outside marriage in Ori?bo? Meje. The third song above was also against a woman who was selling fried plaintain. She was promiscuous since she was fond of sleeping with different men. On one of her sexual acts, she was caught by one of the members of (Obi?rin ile) who informed the Edi? choral group, her action was reported to the group and the song above was composed for her during Edi? festival. She made attempt to bribe the group and this complicated her offence as the members started to throw stones and sticks at her house. She later fled the town and came back after five years. Another case involved a man and a woman who used to meet at a vegetable plantation (Akuro? ). The two victims were caught in the act by a palm-wine tapper. The wine-tapper reported them to his wife who was a strong member of Edi? choral group. She did not sweep the case under the carpet as she informed the leader of the group and a song was immediately composed for her. The two victims were neighbours which made it possible for the Edil group to launch serious attack on them; as they sang against their immoral acts, they also threw stones and grasses on their houses. The woman in question under the pretext of going to buy legede (a type of vegetable) would meet her concubine and together they engaged in sexual affairs. Though, many people were aware of their act, yet since they had not been caught in the act, they could not sing any song against her. The woman fled the town because of the shame. But the concubine was encouraged by his friends to beg the group. The pleading could not stop them from composing the song above. In Ori?bo? Meje, according to a staunch member of the Edi? choral group named Sarifatu, it was very rare for them to sing against an action not committed by an individual. This is why they did serious investigation and got facts before they came out to sing against such action that was against the norm of the society. The woman caught in the act made matters worse by trying to bribe one of the members who reported her to the group. She thought they would not sing against her action. The loó?un (Male counterpart singers) compiled the names of those who had committed one form of deviant act or the other by any individual most especially as related to marital infidelity and handed it over to the leader of the Edi? l group. Therefore, the loó?un served as a watchdog and any attempt made by the Edi? group to sweep any matter under the carpet, would be vehemently resisted by the loó?un. As a result of resilience Edi? group, cases of adultery were highly reduced. This was because people were cautious of their actions as Edi? choral group were no respecter of anybody. The common slang among the people than was, Ma? fidi? e? ba? mi? lo?u?o? je? , je? je? mi ni mo joóko? mi, meaning, Don't use your buttocks to dent my image. This slang showed how people became wary of their actions. The songs above were used to control deviant behaviours of marital infidelity in Ori?bo? Meje. However, numbers of Edi? singers has dwindled due to threat to lives, fear of litigation and the influence of Christianity and Islam. What the researcher observed in the course of this research was that in the contemporary time, it can be said that the high level of moral decadence in Ori?bo? Meje has made the Edi? song to be seen as primitive culture to the youth of nowadays. They don't see anything really bad in engaging in sexual activities before marriage or extra marital relationship any longer. The watching of pornographic sites on phones, fraud, yahoo yahoo and listening to contemporary songs make it practically difficult for Edi? singers to really make a serious impact on the lives of the youth that constitute the majority of the populace. It is only the elderly ones # Volume XVIII Issue IV Version I ( A ) that appreciate the Edi? song that are clamoring for its re-introduction because of the impact it has over the years made and its capacity to reduce the high level of moral laxity in our society. It is equally important to look at the moral dimension of Edi? festival song. We believe that the society cannot see itself degenerating into rubbish by allowing people who behave immorally to go unpunished, either physically or psychologically. The society by virtue of its existence, is duty bond to preserve, nurse and nurture its moral standards (through a channel like Edi? song) or through other available means. Without this, the society will be a difficult place to live. The researcher therefore infer that in spite of the influence of modernity and missionary religions Edi? festival songs are still relevant in enforcing moral consciousness in Ori?bo? Meje communities. # III. Conclusion From the foregoing, it is evidently clear that the various deviant behaviour of marital infidelity that has become an household name in Ori?bo? Meje in particular and Nigeria in the recent time all came due to the neglect of Edi? festival song. If these songs were revisited with little modifications introduced to it, many cases of deviant behaviours associated with traditional marriage institution in Ori?bo? Meje will be highly minimized. This is because people will be conscious of their actions and will refrain from any act that will tarnish their image and that of their family. It is also obvious that Edi? festival song phenomenon will remain a relevant agent of social control especially on issues related to marital infidelity in Ori?bo? Meje, Osun State, and globalisation of culture notwithstanding. However, here are some recommendations that would further enhance the rejuvenation of Edi? festival song in Ori?bo? Meje. The findings from the above show that Edi? song, though an ancient socio-cultural practice among the Ori?bo? Meje communities in Osun State, its ability to control social misbehavior like marital infidelity among others is commendable. From this, we can infer that this study has widened the horizons of Ori?bo? Meje communities and Nigerians in general on the traditional ways of solving problems that are peculiar to traditional marriage institution. The contribution, which this study has made to scholarship, is that the singing of Edi? festival songs which was satirical in nature would help in no small measure to prevent deviant behaviour in traditional marriage institution. The study will also go a long way in preventing the high cost of money spent on litigation in the court of law when divorce petitions are filed. Also, on many occasions, cases taken to court do not end in reconciliation but separation. However, in the traditional marriage institution, traditional measures taken concerning Edi? festival song was to settle misunderstanding and punish offenders thereby bringing sanity to the society. This work has also emphasised the fact that Edi? festival song is a powerful tool in controlling deviant behaviours, though it is much more powerful in the traditional Ori?bo? Meje communities than in the more developed Ori?bo? Meje communities as we have it now. Reccommndatio. To ensure the rejuvenation and survival of Edi? festival song, the following measures are recommended. The songs, as they were sung in the past, should be recorded and preserved on magnetic tapes. Older and surviving members of the group should be consulted and made to sing the songs. The danger in not preserving the song is that, the young generation, may not know the content and the context of those songs any longer. In enhancing the rejuvenation of Edi festival song, an annual special award event should be instituted where those with good behaviour are rewarded in cash or by other things that would boost their self-esteem. Families who exhibit good characters towards one another should be rewarded too. This idea of gift to those in the community with good behaviour could be done on the town day of such community. For instance, on Ipetumodu? day, which is a gathering of all and sundry? This will boost their morale and serve as a lesson to others to always be of good conduct wherever they find themselves. The study also recommends that the traditional rulers in various communities and towns should not allow this cherished culture to go into oblivion. This can be done by inviting the older members as well as surviving members of the Edi? group to perform at different occasions in the palace. This will encourage the younger ones who are the tomorrow of today to learn one or two things when the songs are being sung by the members of the group. The young ones may not really have the interest, since they only hear its effects on the people in the past. But, if they see how the group sings, dresses and dances, it will be an impetus to them. This is why the interest of the new Ooni of Ile-Ife, Oba Ogunwusi Enitan is commendable as all the 18 (eighteen) members of Edi? choral group interviewed informed us that the Oba has called for the re-grouping of Edi? singers in Ori?bo-Meje for performance on every forthnight at his palace, which is broadcast live on Orisun F. M. In fact, according to them, they now hold meetings for rehearsal on Wednesday of every week at a designated place at Ipetumodu. This, according to them, is to revive, rejuvenate, reinvigorate and reinculcate the importance of the song in the communities. The communication networks can also help in this direction. They can sponsor and co-sponsor festivals that are related to Edi? festival in various Volume XVIII Issue IV Version I 31 ( A ) communities. Instead of spending huge amount of money on events that do not have any direct impact on the people, they can take it upon themselves to sponsor those festivals that promote virtues and norms of the society. This will go a long way in revamping the cherished culture of our people which is gradually going into extinction. They can do this by selecting elderly ones in various communities who are versed in Edi? song and other songs for a compilation of such songs into tapes, CDs, books etc for the public free of charge. Edi? song can also be fashioned to reflect current issues about deviant behaviours in traditional marriage institution in such a way that it can be a modern instrument for the campaign against marital infidelity, parental irresponsibility, incest, house wives rivalry and wife/ husband battery in Ori?bo? Meje in particular and other communities at large. On a final note, we also recommend that Ori?bo? Meje communities should go back to their tradition so as to protect the moral values. Interestingly enough, all Edi? songs are aimed at protecting moral values whether they can stand the test of modern day reality or not. What is more important, and what we have tried to do in this work, is to make sure that moral values that are meant to be protected in the traditional marriage institution are not flouted since marriage is the foundation of the family which automatically is the basic unit of the society. If this happens, that is, when there is peace at the family level, peace will also reign in the society. It should be noted that because of the positive impact Edi? festival song has made in Ori?bo? Meje communities, it should therefore be incorporated into the modern mechanisms of government to address deviant behaviours in the family setting. Litigation to settle family matters is very expensive today and many cases are not resolved. But, Edi? festival song can be a veritable tool to control deviant behaviours associated with traditional marriage institution since it has no cost implication whatsoever. Olusegun Peter Oke 29Why adultery? Agbere? si?e ti je? It is not a good act, please desist from it. This is yet another song: Wo? ? ni? a? mo? ? wi hu? hun hu? They forbid us to say it A?a o? wi hu? hun hu? We shall say it O? ba ni? a? wi hu? hun hu? The king wants it said O? mo? lo? di ya? A child becomes controversial O? mo? lo? di ya? A child becomes controversial Omo Laba?e? ? yan ale? o? d'ogun x2 Labake daughter engaged in extra marital affair and became a problem Abi?e?o? la? ya? ale? o? d'ogun Volume XVIII Issue IV Version I ( A ) © 2018 Global Journals The Socio Religious Significance of Edi Festival Song in Controlling Marital Infidelity in Traditional Marriage Institution in Ori?bo?Meje, O? 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