# Introduction and the largest exporter and holder of foreign exchange reserves; China cannot be ignored. 1 Moreover, owing to her giant economy, there is no doubt left regarding China's great power status. In economic realm, China has exhibited impressive willingness towards economic liberalization by opening herself up. China has presented a unique model of success to the world by undergoing structural changes. While Soviet Union failed to overcome its economic crisis because of its inability to adapt, China adopted the Soviet model of central planning when required and replaced it with economic openness and liberalization when needed. Her decision to join World Trade Organization and integration into global economy proves this point well. This impressive economic development has been accompanied by growing suspicions by the U.S. The China's economic rise is indeed one of the most highly and hotly debated topics in the contemporary politics where different analysts have drawn various possible future scenarios. While the staunch realists believe that China's rise will imbalance the status quo thereby creating trouble in the region and at the international level, the liberalists think the other way round. For them, the rise of China as a super power will not only stabilize the world more, it will also create further economic interdependence which will benefit all the actors included. In the light of such divergent opinions, it is therefore important to carefully analyze the rising China's power, her behavior towards the regional states and the existing great power ie Unites States, and the credibility of the American suspicions regarding her rise. The reason why the discussion of a relative power of a state in comparison to another is often difficult is probably because of the complexity of the nature of the word "power". Power, which occupies central position in world politics, has been defined in a number of ways and the exact definition is not yet complete. Generally speaking, the term power is often related to influence, control, force etc. For Robert A. Dahl, it is the ability of A to cause B to do something which B would not do if given the choice. 2 While the definition still occupies important position in the realist explanation of the world politics, it has failed to explain the increasing interdependence between the states, the reby creating a situation in which B would do what A wants due to the common interests they share. Dahl's hina's economic rise is often described as a miracle by economists. Irrespective of social turmoil and economic sluggishness that China experienced prior to 1949, the state eventually managed to somehow stabilize its economy under the leadership of Mao Zedong. While the reforms for structural transformation were launched in early 1950's for the sake of modernization and industrialization, China's economic success story begins from 1978-79 when Den Xiaoping launched an energetic era of economic reforms. His economic reforms like Household Responsibility System and Enterprise Responsibility System contributed a lot towards the economic growth of the state. Since then, the Chinese economy has improved and strengthened under the dedicated and intelligent leadership. Consequently, China has emerged as a global economic power. Today as the world's second largest economy, largest manufacturer second scenario suggests the likely possibility of a positive-sum game. Power has been categorized in a number of ways but here one may start with the general division done by Kira Peterson who distinguishes power into coercive, bargaining, concerted and political power. Coercive power, as the name suggests, is related to use of force and violence to get the job done. Treating the international relations as a zero-sum game, a great power can convince a relatively weaker state to do what the great power wants either through the use of direct force or by creating deterrence. The bargaining power also relies on the available resources and so is somehow related to the first type, yet despite the competitive interests the states may agree to cooperate; not because of coercion but because of interdependence. Concerted power is not hierarchal rather horizontal. It simply means that the outcome is not owned by one actor but belongs to many. Largely driven by the common interests and progress, the involved members work together. The fourth one is the institutional power which "is the capacity to implement decisions, enforce rules, provide essential collective goods and achieve collective goals." 3 Another nature of power that needs to be mentioned in the 21 st century is the soft power that for Joseph S. Nye is " the attractive power". 4 Keeping in mind this general overview of power, one can not only estimate China's power but also her behavior in the world politics. Moreover another important fact often overlooked is that despite China's increasing power in relevance to United States and her growing influence, the clear distinction can be made between the behavior of the rising powers of the previous century and China; not only because of the transition in the nature of international system but also because of China's willingness to adapt and peacefully co-exist. Therefore, equating China's growing power to aggressive or challenging behavior would be wrong. As far as the first form of power is concerned, China no doubt has an impressive military power but it has not used the power for violent or coercive purpose. China, by spending 2% of its GDP, occupies second position in the military spending after U.S.A, though the difference between their spending is roughly that of 1.2% 5 . The state is also a nuclear power since the Cold War. Yet as said earlier, the behavior of the state needs to be analyzed as well. China has adopted the doctrine of No First Use and self-defense. Secondly, China has always given more priority to the economic power rather than the military power. China has also insisted on the limited development of nuclear weapons. Furthermore though China had previously been engaged in territorial rifts, it has resolved these disputes not with the use of coercive power but through compromise and dialogue. Even with the contrasting territorial claims that are left, China's leadership has assured to resolve the issues peacefully. Bargaining power, which is less intense than the coercive power but encourages competition and rift, also does not define China's influence well; provided the fact that China's "inviting in" and "going out" strategies create more of a win-win situation for all. By opening up her economy, China has provided a great opportunity to world community as well via her contribution to the international trade. China's relations with third worlds states, for example, do not reflect an unequal partnership rather economic interdependence; thereby benefiting both and creating opportunities for further integration. Hence it can be said that unlike the other powers, China does not want to concentrate power rather share it. As Zheng Bijian writes in "China's Peaceful Rise to Great Power Status" that China will not follow the example of great powers who strive for global domination, in fact, it strives for development and peace of the world. 6 China's determined commitment to the strategy of "peaceful co-existence" and the introduction of "China's peaceful rise" under the leadership of Hu Jin Tao further elaborates the point. Talking about the institutional power, China has institutional influe nce in the world mainly due to her permanent membership of United Nations Security Council. China's performance in the Security Council demonstrates well that she realizes the authority and responsibility that comes with this status. In the post-Cold war era, China's participation in UN peacekeeping has been enlarged. It is the 13 th largest contributor to United Nations troops overall and the first largest contributor among the P5. 7 Furthermore; China has always advocated strengthening the international law and supremacy of United Nations against the unilateral interventions and state-led coercive measures. Four Chinese requisites in this context are: all activities should be authorized by UN, cooperation of the concerned state, stability of the state and region, and fourthly China's own limitations as the state is fully aware that commitments need to be made after full consideration of one's capacity. 8 This is the reason why China has urged dialogue in the contemporary nuclear crisis of North Korea and Iran . She urged them both to abide by their commitments, failing which both the states have faced sanctions. However based on the assumption that any use of force may worsen the situation, China has urged all the actors to resort to dialogue. The Six-Party Talks, initiated by China to reach a compromised agreement over North Korean nuclear crisis is one such example. Lastly, China's soft power is increasing with the passage of time due to various reasons. Though many analysts believe that China's soft power lags behind that of Western powers, Chinese elite's increasing desire to expand the soft power demonstrates the importance this power occupies in Chinese politics. Moreover, China has all the elements of soft power ranging from the cultural, language and civilizational power to the intellectual power. 9 Five principles of peaceful coexistence play an extremely important role. The five fundamental rules governing China's foreign policy include mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. 10 It can be argued that it is not just the capital that a state invests in other states or at the international level that helps the state to improve its image, the behavior also matters a lot. For instance despite enjoying military supremacy and elevated supreme soft power, anti-American sentiments are increasing around the globe. This evident decline in United States' intangible influence is probably because of U.S interference in the internal matters of the state, her unilateralism which often contrasts with the international norms and standards, strings attached with her aid or assistance to other states in the form of proposed reforms or strict conditions and most importantly because of the dual approach towards the issues concerning allies and foes. It is, therefore, without any doubt that China is a power today but China's approach towards her rising power and influence in the world politics is different from the powers of the past. China understands it well that the 21 st century is different from the previous centuries where the great powers would plunder other countries' resources by expansion, invasion, and aggression. China's rise has been motivated by technology, capital, and resources acquired through peaceful means. 11 To add in more, China is smart enough not to jeopardize the influence she has gained through peaceful means by adopting aggressive military posture; a mistake too often committed by the great powers of the past. Indeed like the rest of states, the ultimate goal is the pursuit of national interests but China seems to understand that power comes with responsibility. This is the reason why China wants to share the power to share the responsibility of maintaining world peace and harmony. # III. # Rise of China and Overstated Concerns While the world has observed the economic rise of China with surprise and praised this economic development, United States has shown concerns and wariness. Despite Chinese assurances and devotion to the peaceful rise, the concerns raised are often overstated and exaggerated. John J. Mearsheimer, a staunch supporter of offensive realism, needs to be mentioned here. He argues that China will follow in the footsteps of other great powers that seek regional and then the global hegemony to ensure their survival. His theory of offensive realism asserts that as the world is anarchic and uncertain and the states have offensive capabilities, every state lives under the constant fear for her safety and survival. Such an adverse situation, therefore, prompts the countries to seek hegemony and the already-existing powers to maintain the status quo. He predicts that China will seek hegemony in Asia by translating her economic power to military power and will try to push United States out of there because he says: "most Chinese surely remember when Japan was powerful and China was weak. In the anarchic world of international politics, it is better to be Godzilla than Bambi." 12 A large number of modern day writers frequently use the term "new Cold War" to explain the atmosphere of competition and contention that surrounds the Asia-Pacific in particular and the world in general. The new Cold War, according to these writers, will involve China and United States as key players; both striving to woo allies and expand their influence across the world. It is believed that the growing mistrust between U.S.A and China reflects "cool war", if not Cold War and therefore poses serious threat. 13 Hence the U.S administration is imprudently advised to "contain" China's rise, giving an impression that United States cannot afford to overlook this important development. The reason given is that if U.S wants to maintain its contemporary position in the world, it has no other option but to balance China. 14 While U.S.A, after enjoying considerable hegemony with the disintegration of Soviet Union, is worried about China's rise, China seeks no hegemony. The fact is that due to her integration in the world economy, it would be ridiculous on behalf of China to behave aggressively. China cannot afford to and surely does not intend to show that aggression; as China's main focus has been on the economic development and not to achieve the military supremacy. It is well aware that a confrontational foreign policy will thwart the development and by affecting life of millions of Chinese will cause domestic instability. Hence China is rational, calculating and conscious. 15 Moreover Mearsheimer compares emerging China with United States of 20 th century that emerged as the super power after the fall of European powers. Nonetheless, he forgets one important point; which is that the modern China has preferred dialogue over force and compromise over coercion to settle down her inter-state differences. While U.S has been engaged in multiple wars in the Cold War and post-Cold War era across the globe, China has avoided such foreign meddling. It is, for sure, concerned with her border and home security in particular and world security in general but she appears to avoid direct military encounters. Not only that China's main focus has been on economy, her tools of persuasion are also different from those employed by United States. Secondly though the mistrust and suspicion between the powerful states is natural and understandable, making comparison between U.S-U.S.S.R rifts of Cold War with today's Sino-U.S relations is a bit of exaggeration. The competition between the Soviet Union and United States was based on arms race, where both the sides sought domination in military realm. Today's world is highly interdependent because of the increasing commercial relations. Whilst U.S is busy establishing military bases across various regions of the globe, China is busy engaging states in economic relations which further create interdependence and this interdependence, the majority agrees, assures peace and stability. To add in more, those who believe that China's strategic culture is dominated by the concept of war need to realize the fact that China has undergone considerable changes on its journey from being an empire to a modern state; the changes that were brought from within and not forced upon it. This reflects China's rationality and flexibility. Therefore though the realists can predict a gruesome future, they cannot be certain. Unfortunately, however, it is their prediction that creates a sense of fear often leading to anarchy and aggression. China's economic integration can be well explained by analyzing her commercial relations with the regional states and most importantly by looking at her relations with United States. However before moving on to China's evolving relations and foreign policy, it is preferable to look into U.S policy towards Asia-Pacific and her upgraded involvement in the region due to notable China's emergence. # IV. # U. Policy Towards Asia-Pacific "The future of politics will be decided in Asia, not Afghanistan or Iraq, and the United States will be right at the center of the action." 16 Hillary Clinton United States' engagement to the Asia-Pacific is not new. Indeed it was in the latter part of 19th century when United States sent delegations to various countries, forcing them to open their ports for trade. Throughout history, U.S has managed to influence the behavior of the states using various means. It was, however, in the Cold War when the region occupied important position in U.S policy. Japan, the emerging power of Pacific, surrendered in World War II (after U.S dropped nuclear bombs) thereby creating a power vacuum. The vacuum had to be filled to contain the spread of communism and to restrain Soviet's influence to reach the strategically important region. United States, therefore, seized the opportunity and extended strategic, economic and diplomatic relations to the already existing and the newly independent states of the region. It was, in fact, the Second World War that enabled U.S to establish military presence in the region, the presence that has been strengthened and upgraded since then. While the attention of U.S was diverted towards Middle East and South Asia in the post-cold war era and particularly after 9/11; after her failures in both Afghanistan and Iraq U.S.A has once again shifted towards areas of her key interests, with Asia-Pacific being most important. Five officially stated interests U.S has in reference to the region are: retention of access to Asian markets, continuance of a permanent American military presence, prevention of the rise of a dominant regional rival, maintenance of military bases and facilities to assure freedom of access and maneuver, and advancement of democracy. 17 America which looks at itself not only as a superpower but also as the Pacific power has developed relations with the regional states through both bilateral and multilateral forums. As far as the bilateral relations are concerned, the degree and extent of these relations have varied from state to state and from time to time. Brief overview, nonetheless, is required to better understand the U.S policy toward the region. Starting with Japan, the first encounter of both countries was quite hostile where Japan was forced to open itself up for trade. In fact General Ishiwara Kanji, when prosecuted for his war-crimes in 1946, demanded to charge Commodore Matthew Perry of the U.S. navy who negotiated first U.S-Japan trade treaty. The point he made was that it was through this experience that Japan learned about aggression. 18 The history of their bilateral relations is also tainted by the catastrophic nuclear bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Ironically, the war-torn Japan then became U.S key ally rather a junior partner in the region. Though this unequal alliance increased with the passage of time, it also received some setbacks owing to the economic development of Japan during 1970's and 1980's. The same advancement could be observed in the strategic realm where the need to build sufficient Japanese forces was felt. At present, U.S is actively supporting the Japanese military upgrade. Moving forward, America's relations with South Korea are dominated by the common threat of North Korea. The Korean War of 1950 in the cold war era and the nuclear status of North Korea in the contemporary world have had large impact on South Korea; thereby pushing the state under U.S umbrella. U.S also enjoys cordial relations with Taiwan. Though the formal relations with Taiwan ended in 1979 when U.S recognized the People's Republic of China, the informal ties have been extensive and cordial which have been kept alive through Taiwan Relations Act. The fact is that irrespective of the developing relations with China, U.S.A has never backed from her relations with Taiwan. It was in 2000 when the Congressional bill titled Taiwan Security Enhancement Act was passed by one of the two houses of Congress. Had it become law, it would have further jeopardized Sino -U.S relations as it suggested exalted military support to Taiwan. U.S.A needs to be more vigilant in this context as her military assistance may adversely affect peace in region by fueling suspicions. Recently, U.S has shown eminent interest in strengthening relations with her regional allies. This suggests that Asia has once again become Volume XV Issue IV Version I S "central to U.S policy" as said by Joel R. Campbell. 19 Another U.S key ally in the Pacific is Australia with which U.S enjoys cordial relations since long. Other than trade and economic relations, both the allies have been working exclusively on the military relations as well. Being the members of ANZUS, Unites States and Australia along with New Zealand have agreed to cooperate on military and defense matters. As far as the South East Asia is concerned, with the arrival of Nixon Doctrine and bitter defeat in Vietnam, U.S disengaged herself from the region largely. Though U.S provided financial and non-lethal aid against Vietnamese and Cambodian rebels, the superpower turned her focus from security to economic issues in the region of ASEAN. Though the "Vietnam Syndrome" affected U.S influence in the region, the economic relations between U.S and ASEAN have improved. In the light of many analysts, U.S.A is working on improving its bilateral relations with the states of Asia-Pacific after a period of "neglect". Not only this, United States has also extended her strategic relations with India. The Civil Nuclear Deal of 2005 is important to mention here which has not only grown suspicions in Pakistan but is also believed to be another measure to contain China. Bilateral relations with regional actors reflect U.S strategy of "raising others up" as is said by Ashley J.Tellis. 20 V. # U.S Pivot to Asia U.S views Asia Pacific stretching from Indian subcontinent to America, spanning across Pacific and the Indian Ocean, including engines of the global economy and home to several emerging powers. At this time when the region has emerged as an economic engine, it has attracted the attention of the world including the U.S.A. As the once hegemon of post-cold war era realizes that the region has become important in the 21st Century, "Strategic pivot or rebalancing" has been launched by Obama administration to increase influence over this part of the globe. U.S Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton explains this pivot to Asia as "U.S commitment" to the region that is working on its security and economic structure which U.S will assist through "American leadership". The reason she gives is that "Just as Asia is critical to America's future, an engaged America is vital to Asia's future. The region is eager for our leadership and our business?" 21 With this belief, United States has embarked on strengthening relations with the allies and improving relations with key regional players. By engaging the region in different multilateral and bilateral arrangements, U.S has not only speeded up trade but has also expanded her military presence. The reemphasis approach is multidimensional; ranging from security and economic to diplomatic enhancement. In the security realm, owing to the increasing significance of the Asia-Pacific, United States has refocused attention towards the military deployment in the region particularly after the decision of forces withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan. The doctrine of Air-Sea Battle has been enforced, to counter the state and non-state threats. However, it has been accepted at both the official and academic level that the doctrine is intended to contain China in East Asia and Iran in Persian Gulf. 22 With already established permanent bases in South Korea and Japan, U.S has enhanced strategic partnership with Australia, Thailand, Singapore and Philippines. Other than that, by strengthening her allies' position, United States aims at ensuring her influence in the region by countering the other rising powers, particularly China. 23 America is also working on improving relations with the regional states through multilateral engagements including APEC, TTP and EAS. U.S.A, irrespective of expressing suspicions regarding SCO, applied for its membership. The U.S relentless efforts to project power region coincide with China's economic rise. The question is despite having economic ties with almost all regional states, having a web of military bases stretched across the region and the growing strategic relations with important players of the region like Japan, Australia and now India; why does United States fear rise of China? # VI. China's Regional Policy After looking at United States' policy towards the region, it is necessary to review China's regional policy as well. While U.S policies enable us to understand U.S concerns and the consequent containment of China, China's regional policy will help us comprehend how Chinese leadership look at her rise and the available opportunities. For it is important to know how China interprets her global emergence. While China was somehow isolated during the Cold War, her policy has been completely transformed in the post-Cold War era. Peaceful cooperation, win-win situation and the harmonious world form the three pillars of China's foreign policy. These three guiding principles indicate that China does not want to play the role of a destructive major power, rather it wants to participate towards the construction of the international community which will benefit the world and of course China itself. 24 Last year's speech by Foreign minister Wang Li at the symposium titled "New Starting Point, New Thinking and New Practice 2013: China and the World" points towards the new approach in China's foreign policy including the regional policy. Wang Li explains that the basic principles of Chinese neighborhood policy revolve around the concept of "amity, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness". Realizing the fact that the neighborhood is extremely important for China's own security, progress and prosperity, the Chinese government has designed an effective regional Volume XV Issue IV Version I diplomatic agenda. China, he says, has not only proposed a number of cooperation initiatives but has also upgraded high official contacts for the sake of building confidence and enhancing mutual trust. Representing the China's government, Wang Li expressed the state's welcoming attitude towards the region and suggested strengthening the regional and bilateral relations. 25 China's Ambassador to United States Cui Tiankai expressed the similar official desires this year. Owing to the fact that the region has experienced many bloody wars in the past, China is committed towards the peace and stability. He says: "The last thing we want to see in our neighborhood today is instability, be it in the form of armed conflicts, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction or rise of terrorism." China also wants inclusive integration of the Asia-Pacific and believes that the creation of alliances and blocs is likely to produce negative consequences. He further adds that China wants to see itself as a strong, democratic, culturally advanced socialist state and these goals can only be achieved through peace. 26 The reason strong enough why unlike United States, China has avoided making alliance to counter increasing U.S influence in the region. With this realization in mind, China has developed bilateral and multilateral relations with the region that holds significance for her because of security, economic and political reasons. China's improving relations with the states of Southeast Asia illustrates the point as the states, which previously viewed each other with suspicion, now acknowledge one another's importance and interdependence. China's response towards the East Asian Financial Crisis and SARS, which further deepened the economic crisis, was appreciated by the Asian countries and China's responsible role was praised by both the leaders and public. The result of the special treatment by China is that "the concept of China threat" has been replaced by "the concept of "China opportunity." 27 To achieve this goal, China's policy towards Southeast Asia is based on trade relations, CBMs, and providing the developmental assistance without conditions with special emphasis on uplifting the poorer states like Laos and Burma. 28 This approach has not only helped China make the economic gains but has also improved China's image in the region. The tool employed, therefore, is often interpreted as China's soft power. Lu Jianren explains the different stages in the China-ASEAN relations. Before 1991, he argues, was the period of confrontation and fluctuations. While both sides established diplomatic relations in the mid of 1970's, it was not until 1990's that China and ASEAN speeded up the cooperation in various sectors. The second phase was that of creating a framework. It was between 1991 and 1996 that both sides laid down proposals to establish mechanisms. In this period, the actors involved not only worked to improve trade ties but also expressed willingness to address the territorial disputes of South China Sea, which indeed reflects the level of seriousness from both sides. The third period represents the mutual trust and good neighborhood policy. It was the time of Asian Financial Crisis when China proved her sincerity towards the relation with ASEAN by not devaluing its currency and by offering unconditional assistance to the states. This grandiose gesture of China convinced the regional states that China is not only a responsible regional power but also trust-worthy. The fourth period is that of setting the strategic partnership and China and ASEAN have made important developments in the domain of security and strategy as well. 29 Hence the relationship which started with some hesitancy and much fear has been transformed into an all level partnership. Statistics show that trade between China and ASEAN rose more than 10% in 2012 and by 2020 and the annual trade is expected to reach $1 trillion. The two-way trade not only makes China the largest trading partner of ASEAN but also makes ASEAN the third largest source of China's FDI. 30 Not only the bilateral but also the multilateral arrangements connect the region to China. Being the member of ASEAN+1, ASEAN+3, ARF, and EAS, China wants to ensure her involvement in the important regional forums. Boao Forum of Asia also provides a platform for the regional states to improve relations by extending cooperation in different fields. Moreover, the growing relations between ASEAN and SCO illustrate the level of engagement China has achieved bilaterally and multilaterally in the region. It is important to realize however that despite the deepening economic integration, the overlapping territorial claims made by states in South China Sea and East China Sea continue to pose a serious challenge in the region. Though China's territorial issues remain unresolved with ASEAN members, both sides have signed non-aggression pact and the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in South China Sea and there appears to be a reaching consensus between the various parties involved. In the presence of strong economic ties, there are high hopes that China and ASEAN states will reach a compromise. The matter is different with Japan, however. It is, nonetheless, worth mentioning that for China, her "peaceful rise" does not contradict with her territorial claims. Chinese Chief of Defense Fang Fenghui has recently explained China's stance in his press release along with United States' General Dempsey where he stresses that China means no harm to her neighboring states but she has firm stance when it comes to her sovereignty and territorial integrity. He stresses that China will "not lose an inch" by arguing that "we do not make trouble, we do not create trouble, but we are not afraid of it." Moreover, he demands that the world needs to adopt objective approach towards the region's dispute. 31 While his remarks are being used to criticize China's peaceful rise argument, what needs to be understood is that China is not a weak state and like the rest of members of international community, gives immense importance to her national interests and sovereignty. Yet China has a wide experience of peaceful settlement of border disputes and has, in fact, successfully settled down boundary issues with 12 of its neighboring states. 32 Therefore, the world should give as much attention to Chinese President Xi Jinping's remarks as much as has been given to China's military statements when he says: "There's no gene for invasion in Chinese people's blood, and Chinese people won't follow the logic that might is right." 33 The rising power fully understands her power but also acknowledges the fact that her rise is possible only in a peaceful environment. # VII. # China-U.S Interdependence China's regional policy indicates that though China wants to improve her relations with the neighbors, she does not intend to snatch United States' share. From Latin America to Africa and from Middle East to Asia-Pacific, China is extending relations but has not adopted "the containment policy", the tactics too often employed by the rest of major powers. While the great powers normally try to create blocs and/or counterblocs; China, other than building relations with the rest, has always endeavored to maintain warm and sound relations with U.S.A. The fact is that principles of peaceful co-existence do not just apply to China's neighbors but have also greatly influenced China's policy towards United States. The expanding trade between the two since last decades is considered to be just a start by China and urges to further speed up the economic ties. In 2013, China became the second largest trading partner of U.S by exports totaling $122 billion and imports totaling $440 billion. 34 China's serious commitment towards trade relations with United States can be further explained by the fact that China increased her imports from United States after the international financial crisis though her exports to U.S have decreased. This is the reason why many U.S firms have turned towards the China's market. 35 Another sector promising further integration between China and U.S is that of foreign investment. According to Rhodium group's findings, China's FDI in U.S doubled in 2013 36 and only in the first quarter of 2014, Chinese companies have already announced deals worth $8 billion. 37 Moreover while American exports to rest of the world increased only by 162% between 2000 and 2011, her exports to China increased by 632%. 38 China's increasing trade and lucrative FDI made in United States reflects the building confidence and trust or at least such an effort on behalf of China. Moreover, China offers market to the American small and medium businesses, thereby attracting U.S direct investment as well. The trends in economic relations predict the growing interdependence between the two powers in the future despite little setbacks. Mr. Zhong Shan, the vice minister of commerce of PRC urges, as the representative of government, that the two states should enhance trade and investment by avoiding the politicization of economic ties. 39 The study of U.S-China 2022: Economic Relations in the Next Ten Years suggests that the two states have impressive opportunities to extend cooperation in fields of agriculture, tourism, and energy and research sector. The study not only predicts the possible future bilateral relationship between them but also represents the wishes of both sides. Moreover, even if the states decide to conduct the trade at a same pace as now, their trade is expected to reach up to $1 trillion by 2022. 40 It is not just the economic interdependence that binds them only. Rather now in the globalized world, United States and China have to cooperate and work together on a number of issues. Ranging from the issues of global warming, climate change to countering terrorism, China's ability and the growing interest in active participation in the global issues cannot be ignored by the world now. The two, for example, being the permanent members of the U.N Security Council have every reason to cooperate with each other or else the world affairs and progress may get paralyzed as was experienced in the Cold War. The fact is that their approach may be different but as the major powers, China and United States share the same concerns regarding the various global issues. China, for instance, wants the earliest possible solution of North Korea's and Iran's nuclear crisis. She is equally concerned about the growing terrorism, has condemned the acts of terrorism worldwide and has promised all kind of support to the international community in this context. Particularly, her proximity to Afghanistan, Pakistan and Central Asia makes her more vulnerable to the rising assemblage of non-state actors in the region. Likewise, China is as concerned about the misuse of Syria's chemical stockpiles as is United States. Being the responsible members of U.N Security Council and the powerful states of the world, therefore, both need to converge rather than diverge their energies if want to secure the world peace. The approach adopted is often different though, this difference is not a conflict in itself. China believes that the issues of North Korea, Syria and Iran should be resolved at the table and not in the battlefield, for this will make matters only worse. While China's preference for dialogue is often interpreted as her intent to delay, the fact is that haste and use of force have always accelerated the tension and misunderstanding. The interdependence between China and United States is unique and unparalleled and it is because of this interdependence that many conflicts have been overcome or at least pacified. It indeed is the "new type of great power relationship" where if U.S desires to be treated as an "indispensable nation" then it needs to recognize China as an "indispensable partner" 41 which may help her sort issues which United States cannot solve on its own, either because of its limitations or because of problem's gravity. In short while many in the Western circle draw the sketch of China as a rising power which is desperate to compete with United States, China is nothing but an opportunity for U.S and it is through cooperation that U.S can get the maximum out of this opportunity. # VIII. # Conclusion The attitude of Chinese leadership, her growing economic relations with the regional states and the level of interdependence she has with United States point towards one direction and that is China views itself as a responsible member of international community. Moreover, the state fully realizes that her designed goals are only possible to achieve through cooperation, collaboration and co-existence. The logical question to be asked at this point is why will China jeopardize what she has gained so far to challenge the status-quo? While the realists may hold the aggressive behavior of powerful states responsible for it, the fact is that China is not following the track of other powers. China has neither pursued the imperialism of Japan after her industrial revolution nor has shown any inclination to challenge United States and her allies by making an alliance similar to that of Allied powers in the Second World War. Furthermore, never in the history can we find an example of a rising power with policies such as peaceful co-existence, peaceful rise and harmonious world. Had China inclined towards becoming a regional or global hegemon, she would not have favored economic integration equally with all. Though the Western writers present the bleak future scenario, China does not seem to agree with that. It is, hence, essential to know how China views the future. One can look into the concept of "harmonious world" presented by the last Chinese president Hu Jintao, for instance. He made the four point proposal and argued that a harmonious world can be achieved through multilateralism, mutually beneficial cooperation, spirit of inclusiveness, and rational and necessary reforms. Not only this, but he also defied forceful interference in another country's affairs, use or even threat of a military force against the sovereignty of a state. 42 Xi Jinping's speech at the opening ceremony of Boao Forum points to the similar emphasis on "common development" and "boost cooperation" to "uphold peace." He further vowed that as an important member of global family China "will continue to develop itself by securing a peaceful international environment and, at the same time, uphold and promote world peace through its own development." 43 Country's white paper on the peaceful development expresses similar future vision. China's foreign policy is aimed at promoting harmonious world based on mutual benefit, mutual trust and coordination; where politically the states should be treated equally, cooperate economically and seek common ground culturally. 44 None of this hints China's inclination to either threat or challenge United States or any other state of the world. The fact is that China is a responsible power of the contemporary world that has always cooperated and desires to cooperate in future as well. She neither follows any belief similar to that of "Manifest Destiny" to lead the world nor is she striving to reach the top by pushing others down like other major powers. The state has shown flexibility in her foreign policy and her leaders have expressed goodwill towards all including the United States. Now it is time for United States to reciprocate in a positive way as it is the need of time, for China has already made it clear that "the Chinese people want peace do not want war." 45 # References Références Referencias Rising China: not at War With Us 8 ( F ) © 2015 Global Journals Inc. (US) © 2015 Global Journals Inc. (US) Rising China: not at War With Us * China's Economic Rise: History, Trends, Challenges, and Implications for the United States WayneMMorrison Congressional Research Service 7-5700 1 February 3, 2014 * Power and International Relations DavidABaldwin Handbook of International Relations WalterCarlsnaes ThomasRisse BethASimmons Thousand Oaks, CA SAGE Publications 2013. 2013 273 nd Ed * Four Types of Powers in International Relations. 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