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\title{Understanding of the Neorealist, Constructionist and Relative Deprivation Theories: A Phenomenological Study of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict with Practice Application of Integrative Negotiation}
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             \author[1]{Herve  Muyo}

             \affil[1]{  Nova Southeastern University}

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\date{\small \em Received: 15 April 2015 Accepted: 30 April 2015 Published: 15 May 2015}

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\begin{abstract}
        


This study discussed the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a type of an international conflict. This paper employed three international relations theories to analyze the Israeli- Palestinian conflict. The three theories used were the neorealist, constructionist and relative deprivation. This paper discussed the conceptual frame of each theory, its major thinkers, as well as its strengths and weaknesses. This study employed phenomenological method to research the Israeli-Palestinian conflict because phenomenology is a valuable qualitative approach to studying human experience. This study argued that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is considered to be one of the drivers of the security threat and the rise of terrorism in the Middle East and the world. This research stressed that the study of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is important because it shed light on the differing views on security, cultural identity and religious beliefs of the parties.

\end{abstract}


\keywords{valuable qualitative, cultural identity, constructionist and relative deprivation.}

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\let\tabcellsep& 	 	 		 
\section[{Introduction}]{Introduction}\par
uman interaction can often lead to conflict, which can occur anywhere whether in family, in the work place, in communities or between independent states. Conflict is called international when it occurs between sovereign states. A better understanding of the sources of dynamics of international conflict can lead one to work through conflicts more constructively so that positive change might be created.\par
The first step in understanding conflict is to consider its possible definitions. The variety of the definitions of conflict reveals the complexity of understanding contentious human interactions. For Christopher \hyperref[b12]{Moore (2003)}, conflict is a "struggle between two or more people over values, or competition for status, power and scarce resources." Jeffry Rubin and Dean \hyperref[b13]{Pruitt (2003)} define conflict as "perceived divergence of interest, or a belief that the parties' current aspirations cannot be achieved simultaneously."\par
This study will analyze the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as it pertains to the international relations. This paper will use three international relations theories to discuss the Israeli-Palestinians conflict as it pertains to the international conflict type. The three theories that will be used to analyze the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are the neorealist, constructionist and relative deprivation.\par
The neorealist will be the first theory that will discuss the Israeli-Palestinians. This theory pertains to the contemporary conflict paradigm and is rooted in the international relations theory perspective. This study will discuss the conceptual frame of the theory, its major thinkers, as well as its strengths and weaknesses. This study will also employ the neorealist theory to analyze the Israeli-Palestinians conflict as it pertains to the international relations. The second theory to discuss the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will be the constructionism. This theory pertains to the post-modern conflict paradigm and is rooted in the international relations theory. This research will discuss the conceptual frame of the constructionist theory, its roots as well as the major thinkers pertaining to this theory. This study will also discuss the strengths and weaknesses of this theory. Finally this study will employ the constructionist theory to analyze the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Relative deprivation will be the third theory that will be use in this study to analyze the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This theory is rooted in the Marxian perspective. This research will discuss the conceptual frame of relative deprivation theory, its roots, major thinkers as well as its strengths and weakness.\par
This study will employ phenomenological method to research the Israeli-Palestinian conflict because phenomenology is a valuable qualitative approach to studying human experience. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is considered to be one of the drivers of the security threat and the rise of terrorism in the Middle East and the world. The study of this conflict will be important because it will shed light on the differing views on security, cultural identity and religious beliefs of the parties. This study will also shed lights on the role of the United States in the Israeli-Palestinians conflict.\par
My statement of the problem would be the Israelis-Palestinians conflict poses security concerns in the Middle East region and the entire world. Based on my theoretical analysis of this case, I will employ qualitative method of inquiry involving phenomenological research. This study will employ integrative negotiation also know as win-win negotiation as practice application that best addresses the Israeli-Palestinians conflict.\par
The following are key words of this study: neorealist theory, social constructionist theory, relative deprivation, phenomenological research, international relations, integrative negotiation, win-win negotiation. 
\section[{II. History and Context of the Israeli-Palestinians Conflicts}]{II. History and Context of the Israeli-Palestinians Conflicts}\par
The fundamental of the conflict-disputes between the Israelis and the Palestinians lies on the needs for security, safety and peace between both parties. These needs have been framed from the beginning by the UN Security Resolution 242, 1967 and have guided most of peace plans-the exchange of land for peace \hyperref[b21]{(Reynolds, 2007)}. From the proposals since the UN Security Resolution 242, 1967 to the various negotiations that have taken place over decades of years, settlement has been often failed to be reached.\par
The negotiations in the Israeli-Palestinians conflict from the beginning have involved the principal negotiators known as the Israeli and the Palestinians and the shadows negotiators such as the United States and the Arab countries including Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Iran. There has been misinterpretation with respect to the UN resolution 242, 1967 which called for the withdrawal of the Israeli armed forces from the occupied territories and also for respect for an acknowledgement of the sovereignty as well as the territorial integrity and political independence of every state in the area who has the right to live in peace \hyperref[b21]{(Reynolds, 2007)}. In fact, the resolution is famous for the imprecision of its central phase concerning an Israeli withdrawal -it says simply "from territories". The Israelis argued this resolution did not necessarily mean all territories, but Arab negotiators said that it did" \hyperref[b21]{(Reynolds, 2007)}.\par
A second resolution 338 linked to the 242 has called for a ceasefire in the war of October 1973 and urged the implementation of 242 in all parts. Following the 1973 resolution, there was a peace agreement attempted in 1978 in the Camp David Accords between the parties. Several other talks and negotiations have been attempted following the 1967 war, but none has reached an agreement until 1977 after the historic visit of an Egyptian president, Answar Sadat \hyperref[b21]{(Reynolds, 2007)}.\par
At that time, the United States, a shadow negotiator, capitalizing on the new mood and the presence of the Egyptian president pushed for an agreement. They met in Camp David for twelve days and reached two agreements. The first agreement reached was the framework for Peace in the Middle East. This settlement led down the principle for peace and expanded on resolution 242, which agreed that there should be a treaty between Egypt and Israel and called for other treaties between Israel and its neighbors \hyperref[b21]{(Reynolds, 2007)}.\par
The second agreement, the Camp David was the framework for the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel this followed in 1979, after an Israeli withdrawal from the Sinai. This was the first recognition of Israel as a state by a major Arab country. The treaty has lasted, and it substantially strengthened Israel's position. President Sadat was himself later assassinated \hyperref[b21]{(Reynolds, 2007)}.\par
Among the other peace talks and negotiations between the Israelis and the Palestinians are the Madrid conference of 1991 con-sponsored by the United Sates and the soviets. The Madrid conference meant to design to follow up the Egypt-Israel treaty by encouraging other Arab countries to sign their own agreements with Israel. According to \hyperref[b21]{Reynolds (2007)}, the conference eventually led to a peace treaty between Israel and Jordan in 1994.\par
The Oslo Agreement signed in 1993 stipulated that Israeli troops would withdraw in stages from the West Bank and Gaza that a "Palestinian Interim Self-Governing Authority" would be set up for a five-year transitional period, which will lead to a permanent settlement based on resolutions 242 and 338 \hyperref[b21]{(Reynolds, 2007)}. At the other hand, the Camp David talks of 2000 vowed to speed up the withdrawal and self-government provisions of Oslo. Then in 2000, President Bill Clinton sought to address the final status issues -including borders, Jerusalem and refugees -that Oslo had left aside for later negotiation \hyperref[b21]{(Reynolds, 2007)}. At Camp David in 2000, Barak and Arafat failed to agree.\par
Another peace talk called Saudi peace plan took place in 2002. During this conference, the building of Jewish settlements on occupied land is a key issue in the talks. After the failure of bilateral talks and the resumption of conflict, the Saudi peace plan presented at an Arab summit in Beirut in March 2002 went back to a multi-lateral approach and in particular signaled a desire by the Arab world as a whole to put an end to this dispute \hyperref[b21]{(Reynolds, 2007)}.\par
After the failure of the Saudi talk, a different plan, the Arab Peace Initiative was put in place. The new initiative suggested that Israel would withdraw to the lines of June 1967; a Palestinian state would be set up in the West Bank and Gaza. In return, Arab countries would recognize the right of Israel to exist \hyperref[b21]{(Reynolds, 2007)}. After different attempts primary and shadow negotiators put forward a "road map 2003"plan aimed to in the Middle East \hyperref[b21]{(Reynolds, 2007)}. 
\section[{III.}]{III.} 
\section[{The Neorealist Theory}]{The Neorealist Theory}\par
The neo-realist is one of the most influential contemporary approaches to international relations theory \hyperref[b15]{(Powell, 1994)}. The major thinker of the neorealist theory is Waltz (1997) who was the first to introduce the structural based "Neorealist" theory of international relations. The neorealist theory is opposed to classical realists and sometimes called "structural realists". The neorealist theory defines the international system by anarchy meaning the absence of central authority (Waltz). According to this theory, states are sovereign and thus autonomous of each other; no inherent structure or society can emerge or even exist to order relations between them. States are bound only by coercion or by their own consent. In such an anarchic system, State power is the key indeed, the only variable of interest, because only through power States can defend themselves and hope to survive. The neorealist claims that security is the first goal of every State. Given that goal of security, states will act as best as they can in order to maximize their likelihood to exist. The neorealist views international relations essentially as a story of Great Power politics. Waltz affirms that the international anarchy does not prevent ordering nations within the international community. Nations can balance against other nations, or they can form hierarchies and balance one hierarchy against one or more rival hierarchies \hyperref[b0]{(Bordner, 1997)}.\par
The central affirmation of Waltz theory of international relations is that all states are security seekers. Waltz has argued that anarchy exists on the international level. Waltz posits that Anarchy exists and calls it structure. He describes the power on the state level as being distributed hierarchically while in the international community it is distributed horizontally. Waltz has also stressed that security seeking states are composed of units. He stresses that States as units are the second dimension of structure (Waltz). As states are security seeking, they tend to replicate each other on the unit level, thus leading to a balancing behavior. The neorealist affirms that anarchy isthe cause of insecurity and conflict between states. Waltz argues that human society could be organized on a cooperative basis rather than a competitive basis.\par
The neorealist theory understands power in a variety of ways (militarily, economically, and diplomatically) but ultimately emphasizes the distribution of coercive material capacity as the determinant of international politics. In such an anarchic system, State power is the key indeed, the only variable of interest; because only through power can States defend themselves and hope to survive. Furthermore, neorealists have noted that seeking hegemony may bring a State into dangerous conflicts with its peers.\par
Instead, defensive Realists emphasize the stability of balance of power systems, where a roughly equal distribution of power amongst States ensures that none will risk attacking another. 'Polarity' the distribution of power amongst the Great Power is thus a key concept in Realist theory.\par
IV. Critics and Limitations of the Neo-Realism Theory\par
Waltz neorealist theory of international relations has limitations and raises questions. His theory of state being security seekers without being power maximizer sounds unrealistic. It is not possible that states be security seeking without being power maximiser. It is a shared belief that states that seek security will be reluctant to maximize their power for their own survival. Another argument that is unrealistic is Waltz belief that the state can guarantee its own security and actually not know the true intentions and capabilities of another state.\par
Waltz also believes that states can only have perceptions of another states intentions and capabilities. It is arguable that state cannot be security seeking and not be a power maximize. The neo-realism theory of international relations as conceptualized by Waltz can be used to analyze the Israeli-Palestinians conflicts. Before any attempt to apply this theory to the Israeli-Palestinians conflict it, it is important to situate this conflict in the context and revisit the background history of the Israeli-Palestinians conflicts.\par
V. 
\section[{The Neo-Realist and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict}]{The Neo-Realist and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict}\par
The neorealist theory can be used to analyze the Israeli-Palestinians conflicts as this conflict pertains to the international relations. The neorealist core theory affirms that all states are security seeking. The neorealist is about the security of states, not individuals. States will do everything in their power to protect their own security. The core of the conflicts between the Israelis and the Palestinians is fundamentally the dispute over security versus land. The solution over the conflict can only come through an agreement that allow both parties to exchange security for Israel to land for the Palestinians. According to the neorealist, only states matter, not individuals. Institutions and states remain, but individual passes.\par
Besides the principal negotiators in the Israeli-Palestinians conflicts, there are a number of shadow negotiators that are committed to the security of both parties in conflict. Arab states such as Egypt and Iran are committed to the security of the Palestinians whereas the United States is committed to the security of the Israeli. For instance, the United States would do anything to ensure that the Israelis are protected from the Hamas terrorist attacks or the Iranian nuclear weapon. Furthermore, the behavior of the United States in this conflict has been dictated by its willingness to ensure that the security of Israel is protected, the Palestinians recognized the right of Israel to exist as a state. One way of ensuring that is to maximize power of Israel by military cooperation and alliance.\par
The United States by announcing that President Obama trip in the Middle East is not to propose a new initiative in the peace talk is because President Obama is more concern about Israel security which currently passes though preventing Iran getting a nuclear weapon. In fact during his visit President Obama said in a speech in Israel that he was more concern about the Israel security and will do everything in his power to prevent Iran develop a nuclear weapon. President Obama behaviors underscore his neorealist international relations policy in the world. In fact, he is neorealist for whom all states are security seekers and only states matter, not the individuals. At the other hand, according to this theory, the Palestinians also are concerned about their own security. Palestinians believe with the two states solutions and the exchange of security for land they will guarantee the security of both parties. The Palestinians will do everything they can, including violence and acts of violence to pressure Israel to come back to the table of the negotiation for a settlement because it is important for them to have their own state which put them in security. 
\section[{VI. The Neorealist Theory: Cooperation and International Organizations}]{VI. The Neorealist Theory: Cooperation and International Organizations}\par
According to the neorealist, a state will cooperate if state security is not placed at risk. The look in the Israeli-Palestinians conflict negotiation shed light on the nature of alliances and corporations between international organization and institution. For instance, both parties have sought cooperation of the United Nations in search of their own security.\par
The Palestinians has recently sought the recognition of the United Nations as a non member in order to maximize it power and pressure the Israelis to come back to the table of the negotiation. The recognition by an international institution such as the United Nations gives the Palestinians a leverage to pressure the Israeli to resume the peace talk. Nevertheless in support and commitment to the security of Israel, the United States publicly opposed the Palestinians move on seeking the recognition while other countries mainly if the Middle East supported the Palestinians.\par
Both parties seek support of international organizations and states to side with them for their security. Both parties as security seeking states are concerned about the relative gains made by other states through military and economic cooperation. For instance, the Israeli will consider the United as a friend but Hamas or the Iranians as enemies. This situation can be seen in the Israeli-Palestinians peace process over the years. While the United States government may have had cordial relations with the Israeli, the future direction of the Israeli-Palestinians peace process remains in question, as does its relations with the United States. Coming to a peaceful agreement or settlement of two states will contribute to the security and peace of both Israeli and Palestinians and the security and peace of the Middle East region as well. 
\section[{VII.}]{VII.} 
\section[{Constructivism Theory}]{Constructivism Theory}\par
Social constructivism is another theory that will be used to analyze the Israeli-Palestinians conflict. Constructivism is often view as the basic theories of international relations. The core idea of the Constructionist theory lies on the affirmation that most or even all important elements of international politics are the product of specific social circumstances and historical processes (Bukika, 2010). The concept of constructionism was first employed by Nicholas Onufin the international study; however, Alexander Wendt (Social Theory of International Politics) is the best-known constructivist scholar, emerging during the 1990s as a direct challenge to the ascendancy of Kenneth Waltz's neorealist during the 1980s (Bukika, 2010).\par
Alexander Wendt, John Ruggie, and Martha Finnemore are among the pioneers of constructionist theory. According to constructivism human relations are guided more by ideas than by material things. This affirmation is an opposing view to Waltz neorealist who has argues that state behavior was determined by the international system in which states existed and operated. Instead, constructivists note that someone (or rather, many people) must have constructed that system in the first place; in fact, that system is continually being built, modified, and rebuilt as we speak (Bukika, 2010).\par
Constructivists search for how states perceive of themselves and their actions have changed. Unlike the neorealist, the constructionist believes that international system does not exist or that smaller states, in particular, but instead they argue that international society is what human beings make it to be (Bukika, 2010). As a post-modern theory of international relations, constructionist has emerged as a challenger to the continuing domination of neorealist and neoliberalist institutionalism \hyperref[b10]{(Hoft, 1998)}.\par
Other major constructivist scholars include John Ruggie and Martha Finnemore (Bukika, 2010).In the international relations realm, constructionist is an international relations theory who has rationalism as a counterpart. Constructionist argues that power, trade relations, international institutions, or domestic preferences are important because they have certain social meanings constructed from a complex and specific mix of history, ideas, norms, and beliefs which scholars must understand if they are to explain State behavior (Wendt 2000). Constructionist emphasizes on social context in which international relations occur, which leads to emphasis on issues of identity and belief. Moreover, the perception of friends and enemies, in groups and out groups, fairness and justice all become the key determinant of a state behavior.\par
Constructivism is also attentive to the role of social norms in international politics. Following March and Olsen constructivists distinguish between logic of consequences where actions are rationally chosen to maximize the interests of a State and logic of appropriateness where rationality is heavily mediated by social norms  {\ref (Wendt, 2000)}. In other words, according to this theory, the variable of interests such as a military power, trade relations, international institutions or domestic preferences are important not because they are objectives facts but rather because they convey a social meaning; which is constructed by history, ideas, norms, and beliefs which scholars must understand if they are to explain state behavior  {\ref (Wendt, 2000)}.\par
From the constructionist point of view, the Israeli-Palestinian dispute can be understood primarily a conflict of social identity and religious belief constructed from a complex and specific mix of history ideas, norms, and beliefs. Each side reclaiming strongly that the land in dispute has been somehow handed over by a God according to a made promise made and that the other (side) do not have the right to own a piece of it nor to exist.\par
A close look in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict shows how social identity and religious affiliations play on how secondary parties align themselves with the primary parties; the Israeli with the Egyptians and the Iranians at one hand; the Israeli with the Americans in the other. Parties are bound and formed according to the religious identity and the beliefs of the parties. It is important to reflect on how according to the constructionist theory social identity and religious belief of both side have been formed throughout history.\par
According to constructionist theory, It is fundamentally the constructed social identity and religious beliefs of each side that should be considered as drivers of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. These two constructs determine or dictate the social context in which international relations occur and mold the perception of friends and enemies, in-groups and outgroups, fairness and justice between states involved in the conflict. Based on the socially constructed Identity and belief, the Israelis would perceive the Americans as friends and the Iranians as enemies whereas the Palestinians would perceive the Iranians as friends and the United States as enemies. 
\section[{VIII. Critics and Limitations of the Constructionist Theory}]{VIII. Critics and Limitations of the Constructionist Theory}\par
Constructionist has often being criticized of obfuscation and incoherence, ignoring the reality on the ground in favor of increasingly cluttered academic theorizing. In addition, its actual alternative conception lacks ethical consideration or moral validity of actual alternative conceptions of international systems (Bukika, 2010). Although constructivism affirms that present social structures are socially constructed; it does not suggest what social constructions are preferable to others, nor does it suggest, except in vague terms, how one might consciously alter the continuing evolution of state identity and interest in the international system (Bukika, 2010). 
\section[{IX.}]{IX.} 
\section[{Relative Deprivation}]{Relative Deprivation}\par
This study will employ relative deprivation as third theory in the analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Relative deprivation is a contemporary conflict theory rooted in the Marxian perspective. This theory was first coined by Sam Stouffer and his associates in their wartime study The American Soldier  {\ref (1949)}. It is W G Runciman who in 1996 rigorously formulated relative deprivation as social theory. In the 1980s, relative deprivation was employed in criminology by theorists such as S Stack, John Braithwaite and particularly the left realists for whom it is a key concept.\par
Relative deprivation (Cliffsnotes.com) refers to the negative perception that differences exist between wants and actualities. In other words, people may not actually be deprived when they believe they are. A relatively deprived group is disgruntled because they feel less entitled or privileged than a particular reference group. For example, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the Palestinians may feel relatively deprived when they compare their political, economic and social situation to that of their counterpart Israelis.\par
The analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through relative deprivation theory pin points this dispute as a social discontent that has been translated into social movement. The Palestinians feel that they deserve, or have a right to the same land, opportunity, power and status than the Israelis. They have become the dissatisfied group and have concluded conclude that they cannot attain their goals via conventional methods, whether or not this is the case. That is why the Palestinians have organize themselves into a social movement such as Hamas and seek the help of others like the Hezbollah, Muslim brotherhoo d, the Iranians because they feel that collective action will help their pursuit of reclaiming the right to a land and a state.\par
The relative-deprivation theory takes criticism from a couple of different angles. From the sociologists stand point, feelings of deprivation do not necessarily prompt people into action. Nor must people feel deprived before acting. A second critic stresses that relative deprivation has not been able to address why perceptions of personal or group deprivation cause some people to reform society, and why other perceptions do not (Cliffsnotes.com).\par
The rise of crime in most of the industrial societies has attracted theories, and was used as an explanatory variable in the post-war period. According to Burr, relative deprivation occurs where individuals or groups subjectively perceive themselves as unfairly disadvantaged over others perceived as having similar attributes and deserving similar rewards (their reference groups). This theory contrasts with absolute deprivation, where biological health is impaired or where relative levels of wealth are compared based on objective differences. The theory of relative deprivation is more concern with subjective experiences of deprivation. It argues that deprivation is more likely when the differences between two groups' narrows so that comparisons can be easily made than where there are caste-like differences.\par
The theory of relative deprivation can be used to explain the disputes between the Israelis and Palestinians over land upon which they dare to build their own state different of that of the Israeli. The Palestinians perceive themselves as entitled to the land in dispute and thinks that they have the same rights as the Israelis. They also feel that they have been disadvantaged and prevented what they are entitled to compare to their counterpart, the Israeli. Furthermore, based on the relative deprivation theory, this conflict can be perceived as a dispute between two groups of which one (the Palestinians) subjectively perceive themselves as unfairly disadvantaged over others (the Israelis ). The Palestinians perceive themselves as having similar attributes and deserving similar rewards than the Israelis.\par
The usual distinction made is that religious fervor or demand for political change is a collective response to relative deprivation whereas crime is an individualistic response. The connection is, therefore, largely under-theorized -a reflection of the separate development of the concept within the seemingly discrete disciplines of sociology of religion, political sociology and criminology(Cliffsnotes.com). 
\section[{X.}]{X.} 
\section[{Research Method}]{Research Method}\par
In order to research the Israeli-Palestinian conflicts as stated above, the phenomenological research method will be used. Using the phenomenological method of inquiry I will research the lived experience of the Israeli and Palestinians who are survival of the conflicts and who live in Israel and Palestine. This study will employ qualitative method of inquiry involving phenomenological research. The phenomenological method will locate the essence of the lived experience of the Palestinians and will describe the meaning of that experience. The expectation will be to create a discourse that would lead to empathize with the participants in the research. This discourse will be essentially about making sense of the Palestinians lived experience of "insecurity" and of being "Stateless" or "Homeless". In other words, what it means for the Palestinians to live without their own land/ state? Or, what it means for the Palestinians to live in a conflict without knowing that there is a peace prospect initiative that might lead to a settlement? It is impossible to be a human being, and not empathize with the survival participants. The question asked during the research would lead participants to express their feelings. 
\section[{XI.}]{XI.} 
\section[{Understanding of the Phenomenological Method of Inquiry}]{Understanding of the Phenomenological Method of Inquiry}\par
There are three elements that define phenomenological method of inquiry that the research will have to consider when conducting this research method. The first is the social study of the lived experience of a person. In employing phenomenological method of inquiry, the phenomenological researcher has to recognize that the researcher is engaging the Palestinians to relive their experience of being stateless and homeless which becomes a conscious process. The second element is the conscious experience. It is critical to recognize that in answering the researcher's questions, the Palestinians, participants in the research are re-living this experience. The researcher must be careful to recognize that it is a conscious process because the researcher has to take into consideration the fact that he is putting the participant back in time and therefore the researcher should be careful in doing so. This can draw dangerous emotion. The third element is the development of interpretation of the essence of the experience. The researcher needs to recognize that there is an experience, and that experience has many interpretations. The example of the Palestinians re-living their experience of insecurity, living in a land without owning it or the experience of losing of social identity for the first time can underscore the development of interpretation. The more research has people, and because of the spectrum the population, the researcher will have a lot of interpretation for this case. 
\section[{XII.}]{XII.} 
\section[{Back Ground of the Phenomenological Method of Inquiry}]{Back Ground of the Phenomenological Method of Inquiry}\par
The Encyclopedia of Phenomenology(2008) shows, that Husserl's work was followed by a variety of traditional phenomenological writings. The found articles indicate some seven types of phenomenology. (Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1997). The diversity of traditional phenomenology found in separate First the transcendental constitutive phenomenology which studies how objects are constituted in pure or transcendental consciousness, setting aside questions of any relation to the natural world around us. Second the naturalistic constitutive phenomenology; which studies how consciousness constitutes or takes things in the world of nature, assuming with the natural attitude that consciousness is part of nature. Third the existential phenomenology; which studies concrete human existence such as the experience of free choice or action in concrete situations. Fourth, the generative historicist phenomenology; which studies how meaning, as it is found in our experience, is generated in historical processes of collective experience over time(Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2008).Fifth, Genetic phenomenology studies the genesis of meanings of things within one's own stream of experience. Sixth the hermeneutical phenomenology studies interpretive structures of experience, how we understand and engage things around us in our human world, including ourselves and others. Seventh the Realistic phenomenology studies the structure of consciousness and intentionality, assuming it occurs in a real world that is largely external to consciousness and not somehow brought into being by consciousness (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2008).\par
Although there is diversity of phenomenological method of inquiry, researchers agree on some basic guidelines. They have indicate that the approach to a phenomenological method design should be flexible and adapted to suit the phenomena under investigation \hyperref[b5]{(Crotty, 1996;}\hyperref[b6]{Crotty, 1998;}\hyperref[b7]{Giorgi, 1994;}\hyperref[b8]{Giorgi, 1997;}\hyperref[b14]{Pollio, Henley \&Thompson, 1997;} {\ref Valle, 1998;} {\ref Valle \& King, 1978;} {\ref VanManen, 1990)}.\par
This study will concentrate on hermeneutical phenomenology and transcendental constitutive phenomenology as types of phenomenological inquiry to explicate the phenomenon under investigation \hyperref[b20]{(Holroyd, 2001)}. For the purpose of this study, hermeneutical phenomenology will focus on locating the lived experience of the Palestinians. Moreover, hermeneutical phenomenology is a revisiting of a phenomenal; it is a perpetual self reflective process. In giving an account of what has happened, the researcher is not giving the account of the event looking into the participant life; an event of the participant past in reinterpreting this account of what happened in the past \hyperref[b20]{(Holroyd, 2001)}. For instance, with hermeneutic phenomenology, the researcher revisits the account of the Palestinians story; the researcher will look at the event in a new eye. When conducting hermeneutic research in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the following question may be asked: what was it in your experience of being stateless or landless that has changed your life? There is the significance of the event, the interpretation of the same phenomena. With the question, what is that something has changed, the researcher will look the significance and the interpretation of the significance of that event. It is the reinterpretation of the phenomenon which is in this case of the experience of the Palestinians living in a land that they cannot own. This study will use the transcendental constitutive phenomenology because it will explicate the essence of the lived experience of the Palestinians in a way that this very experience is constituted in pure or transcendental consciousness. With transcendental constitutive phenomenology, everything is perceived as it was a novel. The researcher is required to remove his bias and hear the account as if it was a novel, the first time. The objective is to have a discriminating account of the event. The focus shifts from researcher interpretation to participant description of their lived experience. The participants describe the situation and the researcher validates, and does not attempt to interpret what the participant is saying, rather the researcher just documents the description of the event and validates it. 
\section[{XIII. Outlines of Phenomenological Method of Inquiry}]{XIII. Outlines of Phenomenological Method of Inquiry}\par
Phenomenological research attempts to locate the meaning structures developed through the experience of the participants in the study. The following model will be employed in this study as an adaption of Schweitzer (1998) from \hyperref[b8]{Giorgi (1997)} and will summarize the methodological approach to be used. 
\section[{Stage 1: Holistic Understanding of the Data}]{Stage 1: Holistic Understanding of the Data}\par
This stage requires reading data, repeatedly if necessary, in order to achieve a holistic and intuitive understanding of the phenomena under investigation. In this stage, the researcher needs to bracket all preconceptions and judgments \hyperref[b20]{(Holroyd, 2001)}. This process helps the researcher contextualize his bias and be objective. For instance, in conducting a research related to the Palestinians experience of the conflict or being stateless, if the researcher is an Arab, he may have a bias. From the beginning, bracketing would help the research to contextualize the researcher's bias. He or she may say I'm an Arab, I'm giving a recount of this event, and I'm trying to be objective, but to let you know I'm a Arab and because of this it may influence my interpretation and the reader would read with the researcher bracket. He has to let the readers know that because of personal experience, research could potentially be influenced by the researcher experience and the reader would read with the researcher bracket and check his/her objectivity. 
\section[{a) Natural Meaning Units (NMUs)}]{a) Natural Meaning Units (NMUs)}\par
NMUs are self-definable, discrete segments of expression of individual aspects of the lived experience of the participantsin the research. 
\section[{b) Central Themes}]{b) Central Themes}\par
Central Themes reduce the NMUs to recognizable sentences conveying a discrete expression of experience. 
\section[{c) Constituent Profile}]{c) Constituent Profile}\par
The reconstitution of Central Themes that provides a non-repetitive list of descriptive meaningstatements for each participant is termed the Constituent Profile. 
\section[{Stage 3: Forming a Thematic Index}]{Stage 3: Forming a Thematic Index}\par
Constituent Profiles from each participant will be used as a basis to construct a Thematic Index, which willhighlight major themes that will emerge. 
\section[{a) Delineating Constituent Profiles}]{a) Delineating Constituent Profiles}\par
As with Central Themes, Constituent Profiles will be reconstituted to remove any repeated or non-relevant statements. 
\section[{b) Extracting Referents}]{b) Extracting Referents}\par
Referents will be defined as specific words that highlight the meaning of the experience being researched.\par
Constituent Profiles will be searched for Referents, which will be extracted and listed separately. 
\section[{c) Thematic Index}]{c) Thematic Index}\par
The Thematic Index to be used in this research will establish a non-repetitive, sequenced list of meaning statements and Referents will be used to search for interpretive themes. The Thematic Index contains the Constituent Profiles, statements attributed to singular meanings of experience. During this step the data will be examined collectively. 
\section[{Stage 4: Searching the Thematic Index}]{Stage 4: Searching the Thematic Index}\par
This step will enable the comparison of Referents, Central Themes and Constituent Profiles to form a set of Interpretive Themes. It is crucial to note that the focus is on the explication of data that reports the meaning of the lived experience of the participants in the study. 
\section[{Stage 5: Arriving at an Extended Description}]{Stage 5: Arriving at an Extended Description}\par
Interpretive Themes will be used to rigorously locate the meaning attributed to the lived experience of the participants in the research. 
\section[{Stage 6: Synthesis of Extended Descriptions}]{Stage 6: Synthesis of Extended Descriptions}\par
This step will summarize the Interpretive Themes to produce an in-depth picture of the participants' lived experience (Sherwood \& Silver, 1999, pp. 10-13). 
\section[{Sampling Population}]{Sampling Population}\par
There will be four male participants in this research, aged between 40 and 50. Two of the participants would be members of the Fatah party will be member of the Hamas group. Two of the participants have were involved in the road map peace plan in 2003; and the two others did not and have no intention of participating in the near future. The four participants in the research will be interviewed individually after president Obama's visit in the Middle East. The aim of this study is not be to generalize findings to a population but rather to obtain insights into a phenomenon, individuals, or events; therefore, this study will purposely select individuals, groups that increase understanding of phenomena \hyperref[b25]{(Onwuegbuzie \& al., 2007)}. The choice of sample size is very important consideration because it determines the extent to which the researcher will make generalizations. The selected sample size of four participants will enable the researcher to extract thick, rich data \hyperref[b25]{(Onwuegbuzie \& al., 2007)}. 
\section[{Data Collection and Analysis}]{Data Collection and Analysis}\par
Data will be collected through interviews, questionnaires and journaling. Participants in the research may be asked to fill out a questionnaire. Participants will be interviewed regarding their experience of 'being-"stateless" and "homeless" or their experience of living in a land they do not own. These interviews will be audio taped. The interviews will be conducted separately, and will be unstructured and will proceed with the research question. Individual subjects who will participate in the study will sign an informed consent. A telephone number for the researcher will be provided in case additional information is desired by the participants .The informed consent will clearly state that participation in the study is strictly voluntary and that participants could withdraw at any time during the process.\par
In analyzing data, the researcher will first use horizontalization, which will allow the understanding of participants' experience. The researcher will also use cluster of meaning. This technique will enable the researcher to separate textual response to structural response. In separating, the researcher will create themes in the experience of the participants. Second, the researcher will also use textual and structural descriptions. Both textual and structural description are schematized to give me a better understanding of the phenomenon, based on these responses the researcher is going to unified the structural and the textural account for better understanding of the phenomenon. Third, the researcher will use presentation of the Invariant Structure; a combination of unified textural and structural descriptions  {\ref (Campbell, 2011)}. In unifying all the variation in textual and structural, it becomes an understanding of the phenomenon. That all the research is about, to find a unify theme for the research. It gives a more precise account of the experience; it allows a new load of an inquiry, and shows what it describes and what it does not describes. It is important to recognize that the most important thing is not to force a research model onto the researcher interest but what it is that the researcher finds interesting; the story he or she wants to tell and present to the readers (Campbell, 2011). 
\section[{Research question}]{Research question}\par
What is the experience of being stateless or homeless? This question will facilitate a free dialogic flow between research and the participants, which allowed other open-ended questions to be asked during the interview based on the emergent data. The point of this research will be to locate the (cognitive) essence of the phenomenological experience of living in a land the participant do not own. In addition, this research also will locate the emotional, visual lived experience of the participants.\par
There will be two types of questions, a general question and an interview question which should reinforce the research question. For instance recount about how it feels when President Obama declare that he is not coming to resume a new initiative for the peace process between the Israeli and the Palestinians? When asking these questions, the researcher will always empathize with the participants.\par
The first question: What is the participant experience in term of the phenomenon? The researcher will be asking participants about their experience. The participants will reflect back and give the researcher an account of their experience. For instance, a participant tells the researcher an account of this experience. It is in this point that the researcher can decide to select either a hermeneutic description and interpret the experience and convey the interpretation back to the participant and the researcher would validate or invalidate. The researcher will always make sense of the experience. The second question would be a causal question, how it feels to be foundin this situation. The researcher will want to have a causal relationship between the participants and what led to the event. There may be a textual question, how in analyzing the experience the researcher finds him self or herself? Questions should draw in common themes. It should pertain either from the experience. The more the themes of the question relate to the phenomena, the response to the question should point back to the greater understanding of the phenomena. The whole point is to engage the participants to have a better understanding of the phenomenon. Question should also urge participants to identify the effect the phenomenon has in their life. How these experiences affect their lives? The entire question should pertain to the understanding of the phenomenon. 
\section[{XIV. Negotiation as Practice Application to the Israeli-Palestinians Conflict}]{XIV. Negotiation as Practice Application to the Israeli-Palestinians Conflict}\par
There are many practice applications and approaches that can address the Israeli-Palestinians conflict. Nevertheless, based on the analysis of this conflict identified as international conflict, negotiation has been chosen as the best practice application that can address the Israeli-Palestinians. As the Israeli-Palestinians conflict pertains to the international type of conflict, negotiation practice can help the parties reach a settlement or agreement \hyperref[b11]{(Lewicki, 2011;}\hyperref[b2]{Brodow, 2006)}. In addition, similar forms of negotiation have been used in similar international conflict situations and have produced good results.\par
There are several negotiation approaches that are employed in the field of negotiation. This study will employ integrative negotiation (win-win approach)as practice application to resolve the Israeli-Palestinians because integrative negotiation involves looking for resolutions that allow both sides to gain. Integrative negotiation allows negotiators to work together towards finding solution to their differences that result in both sides being satisfied \hyperref[b11]{(Lewicki, 2011)}.\par
The integrative approach to negotiation can be of great benefit in resolving any differences that arise between people or parties in an international basis. Unlike the distributive negotiation model, the integrative approach is known as power with, collaborative and winwin \hyperref[b11]{(Lewicki, 2011)}. It creates a free flow of information in order to understand the other negotiator's real needs and objectives. Fourth, it emphasizes the commonalties between the parties and minimizes the differences. It searches for solutions that meet the goals and objectives of both sides. There are key points for a successful integrative negotiation outcome. They include a focus on maintaining the relationship -'separate the people from the problem'focus on interests not positions, generate a variety of options that offer gains to both parties before deciding what to do, aim for the result to be based on an objective standard \hyperref[b11]{(Lewicki, 2011)}. In addition, there are also factors that facilitate successful integrative negotiation. Such factors are common objective or goal, faith in one's own problem-solving ability; beliefs in the validity of one's own position and the other's perspective, the motivation and commitment to work together, trust, clear and accurate communication, an understanding of the dynamics of integrative negotiation \hyperref[b11]{(Lewicki 2011}). During the negotiation, the Israeli and the Palestinians as primary negotiators may use secondary negotiators or shadow negotiators such as the United States and Egypt. The United States and Egypt may also be used as third parties in the negotiation. The aims of these negotiations will be to resume the peace process that has stalled and possible negotiate an agreement on the exchange security for the Israeli in exchange for Peace understanding perception, cognition and emotion are critical for a successful negotiation. Humans are both cognitive and emotional animals and emotions affect other faculties especially in conflict. Negotiator should also pay attention to the factors that may influence the perception of each other. These factors are Predisposition [the baggage we bring]. Many perceptual errors, stereotyping -group attribution, halo effectextrapolation from one factor, selective perception (and memory), projection (of self image, thoughts etc, verbal and non-verbal), attribution and attribution error \hyperref[b11]{(Lewicki, 2011;}\hyperref[b2]{Brodow, 2006)}.\par
Negotiation as application practice through the interactions of the parties will help change the perception that each party hold. This important process of the negotiation is framing; which is a thought organization of perceptions into the meaning, and action because same incident can be understood differently by different people \hyperref[b11]{(Lewicki, 2011)}. Framing can also be defined as a human formulation. It can change the process of negotiation.\par
XV. 
\section[{Stage of Integrative Negotiation}]{Stage of Integrative Negotiation}\par
In the context of this international conflict, it will be critical to follow a structured approach to integrative negotiation stages in order to achieve a desirable outcome. For instance, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict situation a pre-meeting may need to be arranged in which the primary negotiators such as the Israeli and the Palestinians and the secondary negotiators such as the Egyptians and the United States and third parties such as the French and the English) involved can come together. The process of negotiation will include the following steps:\par
Negotiators need a good and serious preparation before entering the negotiation. A decision needs to be taken as to when and where a meeting will take place to discuss the problem and who will attend (Skills You Need, 2012). A limited timescale will be set in order to prevent a continuing disagreement. In this stage, a third party such as the French or the English involve in the negotiation may ensure that pertinent facts of the situation are known in order to clarify the parties' position. In the Israeli-Palestinians conflict situation case for instance, this would include knowing the "culture" of the Middle East which may have "rules", or "laws" to which you can refer in preparation for the negotiation (Skills You Need, 2012). At this stage, the Palestinians and the Israeli will make their case as they see it. They will discuss their perception of the conflicts. At this stage, the French and the English as third parties will use questioning, listening and clarifying. The neutral third party may take note forward in case there is a need for further clarification. It is critical to listen, as when disagreement takes place it is easy to make the mistake of saying too much and listening too little. The third parties will ensure that each side be given an equal opportunity to present their side of the story. This is an important step during the negotiation process. The third parties such as the French and the English will ensure that from the discussion, the goals, interests and viewpoints of both the Israeli and the Palestinians of the disagreement need to be clarified. It will be important to remember list these in order of priority. At this stage, one thing to work on is to identify or establish common grounds.\par
The integrative approach will focus on the winwin outcome through which the Israeli and the Palestinians will reach an agreement of two states solution. Both parties will ensure that the security of Israeli is guaranteed, and the Palestinians have the rights to own a land upon which they will build the State of Palestine. Through a win-win solution, both parties should feel they have gained something positive and also that their point of view has been considered.\par
The win-win solution will be the best solution when dealing with this international conflict type. This will be an ultimate goal that needs to be a pursuit. A win-win solution will be the best outcome of the negotiation (Skills You Need, 2012). However it may not always be possible but through negotiation it should be the ultimate goal. In addition, suggestions of alternative strategies and compromises may also be considered at this stage.\par
The third party will ensure that understanding of both parties' points of view and interests are considered before reaching any agreement. It will be therefore critical, for parties and the third party as well to keep an open mind in order to achieve a solution. Whenever an agreement is about to be achieved it will also be important to be transparent, and understand what has been decided. After the agreement, a course of action has to be implemented, and carry through the decision. 
\section[{Failure to Agree}]{Failure to Agree}\par
If the process of negotiation breaks down and agreement cannot be reached, it will be necessary to call for a further meeting. This provision has the benefit of preventing the parties becoming embroiled in a heated discussion or argument, which not only wastes valuable time but can also damage future working relationships. At the subsequent meeting, the stages of negotiation should be repeated. Any new ideas or interests should be taken into account, and the situation looked at fresh  {\ref (SkillsYouNeed, 2012)}. At this stage, it may also be helpful to look at other alternative solutions, and bring in another person to mediate. 
\section[{XVI.}]{XVI.} 
\section[{Conclusion}]{Conclusion}\par
This study discussed the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a type of an international conflict. This paper employed three international relations theories to analyze the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The three theories used were the neorealist, constructionist and relative deprivation. This study discussed the conceptual frame of each theory, its major thinkers, as well as its strengths and weaknesses.\par
This study employed phenomenological method to research the Israeli-Palestinian conflict because phenomenology is a valuable qualitative to studying human experience. This study argued that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is considered to be one of the drivers of the security threat and the rise of terrorism in the Middle East and the world. This research stressed that the study of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is important because it shed light on the differing views on security, cultural identity and religious beliefs of the parties.\par
This study will employ integrative negotiation also know as win-win negotiation as practice application that best addresses the Israeli-Palestinians conflict. The following key words of pertained to this study: neorealist theory, social constructionist theory, relative deprivation, phenomenological research, international relations, integrative negotiation, win-win negotiation.\begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{}\includegraphics[]{image-2.png}
\caption{\label{fig_0}}\end{figure}
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