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\title{A Linguistic Survey of Types of Names among the Babukusu of Kenya}
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             \author[1]{Sarah  Marjie-Okyere}

             \affil[1]{  University Of Ghana, Legon}

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\date{\small \em Received: 7 June 2015 Accepted: 2 July 2015 Published: 15 July 2015}

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\begin{abstract}
        


It is the society that gives names and so they determine what a person, place or thing be named. This paper seeks to explain types of names among the Babukusu of Kenya within a linguistic context. It uses an inflectional or derivational approach to describe the pattern of the names. We discovered that the types of names namely, personal names, place names and names of things and tools have some form of morphological pattern. There is what we refer to as ?indirect? and ?direct? type of names. Kibukusu personal male and female names have prefixes to differentiate gender but share the same root word. This we have referred to as indirect reference of naming in some instances. Where there is a direct reference of naming, the names do not have prefixes because they are names that refer to other things, but are also used for persons. We observe that place names share the same features of personal names. Names for things and tools have been taken from Kiswahili and bukusulized in other words; the names are made to look Kibukusu words.

\end{abstract}


\keywords{types of names, direct and indirect reference of naming, and morphological patterns.}

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\let\tabcellsep& 	 	 		 
\section[{ALinguisticSurveyofTypesofNamesamongtheBabukusuofKenya}]{ALinguisticSurveyofTypesofNamesamongtheBabukusuofKenya} 
\section[{Strictly as per the compliance and regulations of:}]{Strictly as per the compliance and regulations of:}\par
Abstract-It is the society that gives names and so they determine what a person, place or thing be named. This paper seeks to explain types of names among the Babukusu of Kenya within a linguistic context. It uses an inflectional or derivational approach to describe the pattern of the names. We discovered that the types of names namely, personal names, place names and names of things and tools have some form of morphological pattern. There is what we refer to as 'indirect' and 'direct' type of names. Kibukusu personal male and female names have prefixes to differentiate gender but share the same root word. This we have referred to as indirect reference of naming in some instances. Where there is a direct reference of naming, the names do not have prefixes because they are names that refer to other things, but are also used for persons. We observe that place names share the same features of personal names. Names for things and tools have been taken from Kiswahili and bukusulized in other words; the names are made to look Kibukusu words. 
\section[{Introduction}]{Introduction}\par
ames give us our identity as individuals. They are even more unique when they are given in relation to the tribal background: events, settlements, history, etc. and language of the person. It is a common phenomenon in most African countries to give names against such backgrounds. Among the Bukusu tribe of Kenya, such may be the case where naming the individual is concerned. Thus, the type of name and the language in which the name is given are two very important components of their naming patterns. This paper therefore describes types of names among the Babukusu of Kenya within some morphological contexts.\par
Our everyday lives are rife with the use of language. Language is simply the human ability to acquire and use complex systems \hyperref[b23]{(Pinker, 1994)}. It is a very important fiber of human existence. Some scholars \hyperref[b13]{(Hauser and}\hyperref[b13]{Fitch 2003 and}\hyperref[b23]{Pinker 1994}) view language as the mind that allows human beings to undertake linguistic behavior; which is to learn and to produce and understand utterances. Another point of view is that language is a 'formal system of signs governed by grammatical rules of combination to communicate meaning'  {\ref (Trask 2007:93)}. The socialist sees language as a system of communication that enables humans to exchange verbal or symbolic utterances. This point stresses the social functions of language and the fact that humans use it to express themselves and to manipulate objects in their environment ( \hyperref[b26]{Van Valin 2001)}. This view of language is connected to the study of language in pragmatics, sociolinguistics, cognitive as well as linguistic anthropology. We use language in many different ways and for many different purposes. We write, speak, and sign it. We work with language, play with language, and earn our living with language. We court and seduce, buy and sell, insult and praise, all by means of language.\par
In the African context and in our local communities, we can plausibly say that language is used to communicate with our societies during events such as marriage, death, naming ceremonies and any other activity or event that requires the use of language amidst drumming and dancing. With regard to naming in our part of the world, names given to children, places, things and objects are very essential because a lot of factors are taken into consideration during such activities. According to  {\ref Agyekum (2006:2)}, in the Akan cultural context we name to differentiate, to recognize and to know. He continues that the Akans of Ghana attach so much importance to names so that knowing and understanding an Akan name, is knowing their culture, philosophy, thought, language and environment. So when some titles of books and articles ask' 1 What's in a name?', I begin to wonder what points they are driving at. From a linguistic perspective,  {\ref Rubanza (2000:11)} argues that 'the scope and diversity of human thought and experience places great demands on language creativity' and so names can be analyzed linguistically. All these factors support the argument that there exists a word, which might be termed a name. It is against this background that we examine types of names in Kibukusu linguistically. However, we note here that what the native speaker perceives to be a name still differs from community to community.\par
In the sections that follow, we review literature on types of names, and go on to present a background information on the Babukusu; a tribe in western Kenya. We briefly glance through our data collection method. Then finally, we discuss the types of names in Kibukusu looking at some morphological patterns. a) Anthroponomy, Toponymy and Names for Tools and Things\par
The study of the origin, history and use of proper names is embedded in a root term known as Onomastics or onopatology. Anthroponymy, otherwise called anthroponomastics, is that branch of onomastics which deals with the study of personal names. Toponymy, also known as to ponomastics, is the branch of the same root study that refers to the study of place names. We also name tools and things surrounding us. Naming has several processes and factors in the African community such as happen among the Babukusu. The process however differs from society to society. This paper examines native Babukusu names given to people and places as well as some names of tools and things. It looks at the structure of such names as well as what we termed as 'direct' and 'indirect' reference types. 
\section[{i. Personal names}]{i. Personal names}\par
Like in many African communities, the elders of the Bukusu community (such as parents of the child, uncles, head of the family) perform rites and agree on a name to be given to a child. Many writers such as \hyperref[b21]{Ogechi and Ruto (2002)}, \hyperref[b0]{Agyekum (2006)}, \hyperref[b1]{Akinyemi (2005)} and \hyperref[b4]{Atawneh (2005)} have elaborated several rites that are performed during child naming in different communities. They further illuminated that these rites are significant depending on the nature and manner in which a particular child is born. Names given to children depend on circumstances surrounding the birth of a child such as events that took place at the time the child was born or the day the child was born. It could be the already existing family names, theophoric (embedded in a god or deity) names, flora and fauna names such as physical appearance of the child, weird and reincarnate names, achievement names, stool names, religious, occupational, insinuating and proverbial names, kinship etc (see \hyperref[b0]{Agyekum 2006)}.\par
Certain events may occur during the time a woman conceives and /or at birth. These events are so seriously considered that they are added to the name of the child. Among the Akans of Ghana, \hyperref[b0]{Agyekum (2006)} refers to these events as circumstantial and explains that there may be certain occurrences on the day the child is born such as time and manner, or that some days are even considered to be traditionally 'sacred'. \hyperref[b21]{Ogechi and Ruto (2002)} give an example of a person with a name of 'Bomblast'. This name 2 was given to the child because the child was born on a day when the U.S Embassy in Nairobi suffered a terrorist attack by way of bombing. Names may also be given to a person sometimes on a day a king or a great person dies. Some clan, ancestry or father's names could also be given to children. This practice is very common among Africans and some places in the west \hyperref[b5]{(Avigad, 1987;}\hyperref[b3]{Asserti, 2001 and}\hyperref[b2]{Asante 1991)}. Other scholars refer to these names as surnames, clan and family names \hyperref[b9]{(Caffarelli, 2005 and} {\ref Brown etal,1983)}. There is also what is referred to as occupational names \hyperref[b12]{(Fowkes, 1993)}. These are titles or names that people acquire during their career lives (see \hyperref[b0]{Agyekum 2006)}.\par
ii. Place Names Places must have names for easy identification. Every community, area and / or place in the world has a name. There should therefore be uniformity and accuracy in referring to a place to prevent confusion in everyday business and recreation. Some scholars have found that study of place names provide valuable insight into the historical geography of a particular region. Place names do not only point up ethnic settlement patterns, but they can also help identify periods of immigration of particular settlers  {\ref (Mc David, 1958;} {\ref Kaups,1966 and}\hyperref[b17]{Kharusi, \&}\hyperref[b17]{Salman, 2011)}.\par
In Ghana, among the Akans, there are places that are named after people. These are believed to be people who first settled or discovered the place. These names could be read as Donkorkrom, Donkor is the name of the person, then krom is 'town' which literary means 'Donkor's town'. Others are Kojo krom meaning 'Kojo's town', Kwame krom meaning 'kwame's town' etc. Sometimes, some place names may be less official than others. For instance, at the University of Ghana campus, un-officially; students have often attributed names to some places based on events happening around the time the place is built. An example is a recreational oval that has been named 'Tsunami' (built around  {\ref [2004]} {\ref [2005]}. This place was put up just around the period when the infamous tsunami incident occurred somewhere in the South East Coast of Asia.\par
Most studies on place names have settled on the use of surnames to determine the geographical locations of migrants \hyperref[b10]{(Degioanni et al, 1996}\hyperref[b11]{, Dolley, 1983)} or vice-versa. King'ei  {\ref (2002)} argues that the non-Swahili speaking Kenyan in up-country communities have adopted and used names in Kiswahili to name places as a sign of intercultural communication. He further states that a 'deliberate socio-cultural and political preference for Kiswahili names is not just to denote borrowed Kiswahili concepts in the up-country communities, but to forge a 'nationalistic' culture as opposed to a localized and ethnic culture' (King'ei 2002:1). He gives examples of place names that have been 'swahihilized' to buttress his assertion. 
\section[{iii. Names of tools and things}]{iii. Names of tools and things}\par
We are surrounded by things, which are essential to our very existence. These things must have names for easy identification. Let us not forget that we name these things ourselves. We have houses, umbrellas, tables, cups, machines, food, cloths, weather etc. King'ei  {\ref (2002)} , discussing inventory of names of things that have been swahilized by the people living in Kenya up-country, explains that Kiswahili names that are given to places, buildings, organizations or institutions in contemporary Kenya represents a form of linguistic creativity rather than a conventional practice. He explains further that it is not convention because these names already exist in the language. This he classifies under \hyperref[b14]{Hudson's (1993)} categorization of kinds of social knowledge expressed through language. In this categorization, Hudson posits that there is a shared non-cultural knowledge by people within the same community or geographical area, and that this knowledge is not inherited. As the community grows, new things come up or are invented and so the people in the community create terms for such concepts or items. He gives some examples of products that have been swahilized such as Imara Kama Simba 'as strong as Lion', Ushindi 'Victory', Jamii 'society', Uji Tayari 'porridge is ready'.\par
In this paper, we want to investigate types of morphological processes used in Babukusu names to derive for example traditional male and female names or place names and names of things and tools (although they are not proper names). Our desire is to look at types of names in the language. In this paper, Babukusu is the name of the people; Kibukusu is referred to the language and Bukusu is the name of the community or tribe. 
\section[{b) The Babukusu of Kenya}]{b) The Babukusu of Kenya}\par
The Babukus are from the Bantu speaking group and is one of the sub-tribes that constitute the Luhyia community, the third largest tribe in Kenya after the Gikuyu and the Luo. They are mostly found in the Western part of Kenya. The Babukusu 3 predominantly occupy Bungoma County in western Kenya. They are bordered by Kakamega District to the east, Busia District to the south, Mount Elgon to the north and Uganda to the west. A large number of the Bukusu are also found in the Kitale area of Kenya's Rift Valley province, as well as in Lugari-Malava district \hyperref[b28]{(Were, 1967)}. The Ba Masaaba of Uganda are very closely related to the Babukusu, with many shared customs and a common dialect of the Luhya language \hyperref[b19]{(Makila, 1978)}. They are part of the larger Luhya community and pride themselves as the largest in the country.\par
The Babukusu have a strong nature that has been manifested in their political and religious affiliations. They are strong believers in the spiritual self hence the emergency of the 'Dini ya Musambwa'. (This is a Diviner's priest or their religious leader).The Babukusu are believers in cultural traditions and therefore hold fast unto them. They religiously follow the advice of their elders and are strongly influenced by the 'Diviner Priests' who formed an integral part of the 3 The people are referred to as Babukusu.\par
mentoring system. History explains that, the Babukusu lived in fortified villages, and did not have a structure of central authority. The highest authority was the village headman, called Omukasa, who was usually elected by the men of the village. There were also healers and prophets who acquired great status because of their knowledge of tribal traditions, medicines, and religion. Elijah Masinde, a resistance leader and traditional medicine man, was revered as a healer in the early 1980s \hyperref[b7]{(Ayot, 1977)}. Among the most recognized Babukusu personalities were warriors and diviners. Political icons came later for the Babukusu.\par
Ceremonies in the Bukusu society are very important and have different intents for each gender. Women often celebrate their coming of age, marriage and childbirth. There is also a rite of passage for young men as they transit into adulthood. Bukusu family structure is typically modeled on the generic Luhya family structure. The families are usually polygamous, with the first wife accorded a special status among her co-wives. Babukusu society is entirely patrilineal: women are present only as child-bearers and as an indication of status. In addition, being polygamous meant more hands to work on the fields, which is an advantage in a society founded on agriculture. Agriculture is the major economic activity in the district, with about 70\% of the population depending directly or indirectly on farming for their livelihoods  {\ref (Barker, 1975)}. 
\section[{II.}]{II.} 
\section[{Conceptual Framework}]{Conceptual Framework}\par
Since the aim of this paper is to look at the pattern of morphemes of these names in Kibukusu, we will apply a descriptive approach by analyzing the names within a morphological context looking at whether these names are derivationally or inflectionally derived.\par
In word formation processes, words are either derived or inflected to form other words from one category of word to another. By derivational morphemes, when combined with a root, change either the semantic meaning or part of speech of the affected word; that is, changing a noun to a verb in the process of word formation. In English, in the word happiness, the addition of the bound morpheme -ness to the root happy changes the word from an adjective (happy) to a noun (happiness). For example, we have observed that in the Bukusu society, place names are usually derived from events and shape of the places.\par
Inflectional morphemes on the other hand, modify a verb's tense or a noun's number without affecting the word's meaning or class. Examples of applying inflectional morphemes to words are addings to the root dog to form dogs. (for example, case, number, person, gender or voice, mood, tense, or aspect)  {\ref (Widdowson,1996}  
\section[{( G )}]{( G )}\par
From kin et al, 2007). Inflections are affixes that are added to words. These affixes could be in the form of prefixes or suffixes or even sometimes infixes depending on the language. We intend to look at how morphemes are put together to form for examples, male and female names through prefixation. We have also observed that names of things and tools are from Kiswahili but have Kibukusu prefixes in order to make the words Bukusu in nature.\par
It is in the light of the above that we wish to analyze Kibukusu names. From the aforementioned, we realize that Kibukusu names are derived, thus from one category of part of speech to another for instance place names, or are inflected for gender especially personal names or names of things and tools. We have observed that the usual practice of analyzing names for most scholars is by explaining the meanings of names within a sociolinguistic context or explaining naming ceremonies. However, from a different perspective this paper looks at the word form or structure of Kibukusu names. This analysis is undertaken because we believe that names are words, which form the larger part of language of a given community such as Kibukusu, hence, our desire to look at such names within a linguistic context. 
\section[{a) Method of Data Collection}]{a) Method of Data Collection}\par
The data consists of personal names, place names as well as names for some things and tools. These names were gathered through the help of a native speaker of Kibukusu. The Research Assistant consulted some elders of the community with the help of some names. Because the Research Assistant is a native speaker and an elder of the community, he also provided us with more place names. The research assistant was given a word list by the researcher to assist him in collecting males and females names of the Bukusu society. These names were confirmed with other native Kibukusu speakers. 
\section[{III.}]{III.} 
\section[{Discussions of Types of Names in Kibukusu}]{Discussions of Types of Names in Kibukusu}\par
The Babukusu have personal names, place names and names for things and tools. a) Kibukusu personal names: Direct and Indirect Reference Among the Babukusu, children inherits the clan of their father, and are not allowed to marry spouses from either their own clan, or their mother's clan. The first son of the first wife is usually the main heir to his father, and he had a special name denoting this status: Simakulu. At birth, children are usually named after grandparents or famous people, after the weather or events \hyperref[b19]{(Makila, 1978 and}\hyperref[b28]{Were 1967)}. There are two types of names that we shall discuss. There are names that have affixes and parts of the names of the events or activities; we refer to such names as Indirect Reference; because the names of events are not directly lifted and given to the child. Another type of names is the Direct Reference, where names given to people are names referring to other things but are lifted directly to refer to the people.\par
The names above are what we will refer to as Indirect Reference names. As we discussed above, because such names have affixes plus parts of the names of the events or activities; we refer to such names as indirect reference; because the names of events are not directly lifted and given to the child but part of the name of the activity. For example, the name for hunger in Kibukusu is enjala, but the name of the person is Wanjala or Nanjala. The prefix attached is the prefix for human in the language then the name of the event. 
\section[{i. Morpheme pattern of Indirect Reference Names}]{i. Morpheme pattern of Indirect Reference Names}\par
Concening personal names in Kibukusu, there is an inflectional pattern so that names are inflected for gender. As the introduction in 3.1 stated, Kibukusu personal names have roots and affixes. These affixes are usually prefixes: male names frequently begin with  for example, a boy born during famine is named Wanjala, while a girl is named Na-njala. Both names share the same root word, njala, from eNjala, the Kibukusu word for 'hunger'. The Wa or Na is the prefix whereas the root word is the name of the event or period the activity took place. These events or periods are usually nouns such as hunger, road, meat etc. These prefixes when added to the root words do not change the grammatical categories of the names, but changes the gender, hence an inflectional approach. There is another name Nekesi form our data which did not take Na as its prefix, but rather Ne. This occurred as a result of pronunciation where the vowel 'e' 4 in kesi affects the vowel before it in Na making it Ne. 
\section[{Global Journal of Human Social Science}]{Global Journal of Human Social Science}\par
ii. Direct Reference names\par
These are names given to children / people who come after children who never survived. These names are words that are used to refer to other things in the language, but are used directly to refer to such children. These are what we term direct reference names. The following are some examples. Makokha 'rubbish', Wangwe 'leopard', Kwena 'crocodile', Wepukhulu 'dust', Kundu 'a thing', kuchikhi 'stump'. There are also female names Werengekha and Khatundi meaning 'a delicate There is another female name Simuli meaning 'flower'. These names as we observe are not partitioned into morphemes such as prefix and root words. There are also some names termed 'unisex names' that is, they are names that could be used for both male and female children and or twins. Examples in such regard are Mukhwana and Mulongo.\par
It is also worth noting that most Babukusu are named after their ancestors'. That is why some of the names among the Babukusu may generally look like they are just words or names without specific meaning. These according to the informant are ancestral names.\par
IV. 
\section[{Place Names in Kibukusu}]{Place Names in Kibukusu}\par
Place names in this language are names of events, design of the place, agriculture and borrowed words.  Wa, while female names usually began with Na. Thus, 4 This is a vowel harmony rule, where vowels from the same set cooccur. 
\section[{Global Journal of Human Social Science}]{Global Journal of Human Social Science}\par
No. male Prefix root meaning 1.\par
E-bungoma e--bungoma A place where the Bungoma people settled initially before they were pushed up Mt Elgon by Babukusu as they migrated from Uganda. The Bungoma are Sabaots (Kalenjins) who today are Bukusu neighbours. 
\section[{2.}]{2.}\par
E-ka-ka-mega e-kakamega In Kiluhya specifically Maragoli, kakamega is a phrasal verb meaning 'to cut little of ugali' (morsel). One time a white man visited a family around the present place called Ekakamega 'the head quarters of Ekakamega county'. The host family prepared Ugali 'the main meal in Luhya land'. They didn't know the white man would eat. They were surprised when he pinched some ugali. They all said 'ka-ka-mega' [kademmunitive, ka-present tense, mega-pinch]. 
\section[{E-kapchai e-kapchai}]{E-kapchai e-kapchai}\par
A place where the white settlers first experimented the growing of chai meaning 'tea'. 
\section[{E-si-kusi e-si-kusi}]{E-si-kusi e-si-kusi}\par
A land which has dome shape. On each side of the village are rivers. 
\section[{E-mapera e-mapera}]{E-mapera e-mapera}\par
The place was full of guavas or a place of many guava trees 6 E-kolomani e-kolomani it is a borowed English word 'Gold mine' It is a place where the colonialist discovered gold :where they used to mine gold.  There are some place names from our data with prefixes whereas others do not. Those that have prefixes are the types that have place prefix plus name of the former place of settlement or event (see Table \hyperref[tab_2]{2}  
\section[{above).}]{above).}\par
Those that do not have prefixes are names that are directly lifted from the language to name the places such as with personal names. In this language, the place prefix is eand so these names of places usually have eplus the root word. Some examples are E-bungoma, E-kapchai, E-si-kusi, Ekolomani (please refer to the table for more examples) etc. The examples show that there is ewith bungoma, kapchai, sikusi and kolomani respectively. 
\section[{b) Event Place Names}]{b) Event Place Names}\par
There are some names of places that came into existences as a result of historical events that took place. Place names such as E-bungoma, E-kapchai, Esi-kusi etc. (Please refer to table for meanings of the places). They are usually affixed with nouns such as bungoma (name of town), chai (tea) and sikusi (name of a river) etc. There is another example of a place name, which is a phrasal verb e-ka-ka-mega where the verb is mega. There is the place prefix ethen a diminutive morpheme ka, then the present tense -ka and then the verb. Here according to the informant the name of the place means 'to cut small' which is now used as a noun, place name. In addition to this, there is also a place name, which is an English borrowed word 'Gold mine' and has been bukusulized to become E-kolomani. This could be a form of borrowing from two languages; swahilized word which has further been bukusulized. These names as observed have the place prefix eplus the name of the event. 
\section[{Global Journal of Human Social Science}]{Global Journal of Human Social Science}\par
There are also other place names without prefixes and they are examples of direct reference types. Below are some examples.\par
i. Chesamisi -In Kalenjin this means Buffalo. This place has many buffalos hence the name Chesamisi. In addition, a school (boys) was named after the town.\par
ii. Kimilili-This is a borrowed from Kalenjin word kemilil which means leopard. It is a place which have many leopards located around the slopes of Mt Elgon.\par
iii. Kamusinga -The word Kamusinga in Kibukusu means a beehive.\par
History says that, the Kimisinga (beehives) where hung on trees along the bank of the river so that the bees could make use of the water from the permanent River Kamusinga especially during dry season. When the white missionaries came to Bukusu, they established a school and named it Kamusinga High because it shares border with River Kamusinga. This place is in the Kimilili town, so they sought the origin of the name Kimilili. After realizing that the word means leopard, they decided to have the leopard as part of the emblem of the school. That is how the village and the famous schools came to acquire their names. The school until date has a picture of the leopard on the crests of the school uniforms.\par
From the above, we observe that these names are directly lifted from names of towns, animals and from neighboring native languages. They do not have place prefixes because the Babukusu wanted to keep the original meaning of the words borrowed. c) Agriculture Place Names Some places also came into existence as result of the agricultural products that were harvested in the area. Such names from our data are E-mapera and Ekapchai. These names also have the place prefix ethen the name of the product mapera and kapchai meaning 'guava' and 'tea' respectively. 
\section[{d) Place Names Resulting from Nature/Shape of the Place}]{d) Place Names Resulting from Nature/Shape of the Place}\par
There are also names of places that are given because of the shape of the town. The place E-si-kusi is in between two rivers Kusi and is presumed by the people to have a dome-shape: eis the prefix and sikusi are the names of the rivers. To add to this, Mabanga in Kibukusu means 'blood', which is a place that has red soil. In this example, mais the prefix for plural whereas banga means 'blood'. There is also mwibale where mwis a prefix for rock then ibale, name of rock. Other examples of places that exist in the language because of the nature of the places are Lugulu and Kabula. These do not have place prefixes\par
and are examples of direct reference types.\par
V. 
\section[{Names of Things and Tools}]{Names of Things and Tools}\par
Names of things in Kibukusu reveal an interesting scenario and have a particular pattern. Most of the names of the things are borrowed from Kiswahili and English. What is done is that the names begin with prefixes of class of things plus the name of the borrowed word depending on the thing that is being talked about. Here it is also noted that some of the words although they are borrowed from Kiswahili, they have Kibukusu names for them. 
\section[{( G )}]{( G )}\par
a) Names of things beginning with e-There are number of things that begin with the eprefix but have a Kiswahili root (just two words did not have Kiswahili root words) word origin in our data.\par
The observation above is that all the words except 'longi' and 'esike (attached to 'nyama) are not Kiswahili words (refer to table). Apart from those two words, all the words have eas the prefix for thing then word from Kiswahili. Some examples are e-nguo, emesa, e-bakuli, e-sahani, e-umma etc. b) Names of things that begin with si-prefix Our data also found names of things that begin with siprefix. Kibukusu words are in italics, Kiswahili in brackets and English words in quotation marks. Some examples are: h) sijiko (kijiko) 'spoon' i) sikombe (kikombe) 'cup' j) sitambala (kitambaa)' cloth'\par
These words are mostly realized to be words which begin with kiprefix in Kiswahili but change the prefix to siin Kibukusu. The reason is that because the words are bukusulized, the si kibukusu is rather preferred so as not to make the word look Kiswahili. 
\section[{c) Names of things that are borrowed from English}]{c) Names of things that are borrowed from English}\par
There are also names of things that are borrowed from English. Some of these words begin with the liand others with eprefix. It is realized that such names with the li prefix are usually meta-borrowed . This means that these words have been borrowed from English into Kiswahili, then borrowed again into Kibukusu. An exception is the word lisimu where simu is a Kiswahili word for phone. Examples of words that begin with liin this regard are: k) likoti (koti) 'Coat' l) lishati (shati) 'Shirt' m) lisimu 'phone' Those that begin with eprefix are: n) efriji (friji) 'fridge' o) etelevisheni (televisheni) 'television' p) ekompyuta (kompyuta) 'computer' q) eradio (radio) 'radio'. This word has a Kibukusu name nakhalondo. r) esikiria (baisikeli) 'bicycle'. Another word for bicycle in this language is endika which is an expanded word for a donkey. 
\section[{Global Journal of Human Social Science}]{Global Journal of Human Social Science}\par
For words that begin with the e-prefix, the words are English words borrowed into Kiswahili and into Kibukusu. Our data shows that although there are Kibukusu words for 'radio' nakhalondo and endika 'bicycle', Kiswahili words are still borrowed. According to the people, the Kibukusu word nakhalondo is the name of a bird and so the name was used to refer to radio.\par
Later, as a result of modernization, eradio was used instead. Endika is also a name for a donkey that was used for cultivating farms back then and so was used for bicycle because it could serve the same purpose as the donkey, but again the name was changed to esikiria a borrowed form of baisikeli from Kiswahili due to modernization. 
\section[{VI.}]{VI.} 
\section[{Conclusion}]{Conclusion}\par
This paper has looked at types of names in Kibukusu because the aim of the paper was not to only look at proper names. We discovered that names in this language be it personal, place or names of things and tools have a particular morphological pattern although a few exceptions exist. Names in this language could be direct or indirect reference types especially with personal and place names. In this language, place names referred to activities that took place such as with personal names. This means that much importance is placed on place names as much with personal names.\par
Traditional male and female names are still in vogue in Kibukusu although modernization is creeping in every society or community. Although, most people have Christian names, they would always have a native or traditional name in addition because they are so obsessed with their culture so much that they believe such names are their only source of identity. In Kenya, your name will quickly tell where and from what tribe you belong to especially with the traditional ones. Anybody you asked of the name will always tell you the native or traditional one. With this introduction, the person is  indirectly telling you the tribe he or she belongs. Christian names are used mostly in schools and official settings. Sometimes, some children are not given Christian names but take up one when they grow due to schooling or when they find themselves in other environments. Names of things and tools are basically borrowed from Kiswahili which is the parent Bantu language of the other East African languages. Here, there is the addition of prefixes for things in Kibkusu just to bukusulize them, in other words, to make them sound Kibukusu.\begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{2015}\includegraphics[]{image-2.png}
\caption{\label{fig_0}Year 2015 A}\end{figure}
      \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{} \par 
\begin{longtable}{}
\end{longtable} \par
 
\caption{\label{tab_0}}\end{figure}
 \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{1} \par 
\begin{longtable}{P{0.036381322957198446\textwidth}P{0.10087548638132295\textwidth}P{0.1240272373540856\textwidth}P{0.1769455252918288\textwidth}P{0.05291828793774319\textwidth}P{0.358852140077821\textwidth}}
G )\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \\
(\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \\
No.\tabcellsep male\tabcellsep female\tabcellsep prefix\tabcellsep root\tabcellsep meaning\\
1.\tabcellsep Wa-njala\tabcellsep Na-njala\tabcellsep Wa/Na\tabcellsep njala\tabcellsep born during famine\\
2.\tabcellsep Wa-ngila\tabcellsep Na-ngila\tabcellsep Wa/Na\tabcellsep ngila\tabcellsep born along the road\\
3.\tabcellsep Wakesa\tabcellsep Nekesa\tabcellsep \multicolumn{2}{l}{Wa/ Ne kesa}\tabcellsep born at harvest time\\
4\tabcellsep Wa-fula\tabcellsep Na-fula\tabcellsep Wa/Na\tabcellsep fula\tabcellsep born during rainy season\\
5.\tabcellsep Wa-nyama\tabcellsep Na-nyama/\tabcellsep \multicolumn{3}{l}{Wa/ Na nyama born during a festival when there is a lot of meat}\\
\tabcellsep \tabcellsep Nanjekho\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \\
6.\tabcellsep Wa-swa\tabcellsep Na-swa\tabcellsep Wa/Na\tabcellsep swa\tabcellsep born during the season of harvesting white ants\\
\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep (chiswa)\\
7.\tabcellsep Simiyu\tabcellsep Na-simiyu\tabcellsep Na\tabcellsep simiyu\tabcellsep born during the dry or hot season\\
8.\tabcellsep Na-malwa\tabcellsep Wa-malwa\tabcellsep Wa/Ma\tabcellsep malwa\tabcellsep Born during the preparation of local beer\end{longtable} \par
 
\caption{\label{tab_1}Table 1 :}\end{figure}
 \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{2} \par 
\begin{longtable}{}
\end{longtable} \par
 
\caption{\label{tab_2}Table 2 :}\end{figure}
 			\footnote{This is one of the phrases taken from Shakespear's Julius Ceasar sayings.} 			\footnote{\hyperref[b21]{Ogechi and Ruto (2002)} say that this practice is common among the Luo's in Kenya/} 			\footnote{© 2015 Global Journals Inc. (US)} 		 		\backmatter  			  				\begin{bibitemlist}{1}
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