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             \author[1]{Francisia  Seda}

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\date{\small \em Received: 11 December 2013 Accepted: 31 December 2013 Published: 15 January 2014}

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Introduction-The measurement of levels of consumerism is important to understand the characteristics of the global and domestic economy, which play a role in shaping the characteristics of the national economy. This is in agreement with the post-Fordist economic thought, which underlines consumption as an important aspect of the framework of capitalism. Consumption can influence the daily social life of community, including but not limited to lifestyle. Lifestyle in a society appears not without the role of post-Fordist capitalism, as its mode of existence depends on the activity of consuming its products (Amin, 1994).In order to understand the role of consumerism in colouring the characteristics and foundations of the national economy, it is necessary to understand the characteristics of the domestic economy at the household level. In the context of the heterogeneous Indonesian society, based on geography, social economic status and cultural backgrounds, there is a need of a comprehensive perspective to study the dynamics of the domestic economy, which indicates the economic characteristics of the society. The Indonesian society, comprising of urban and rural communities, show the importance of the dimensions of consumerism to observe specific economic characteristics that differentiate the two communities. This study focuses on the economic characteristics of the urban society, which illustrates the urban consumerist society characteristics as the realisation of the interaction of local and global economy.

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\let\tabcellsep& 	 	 		 
\section[{Introduction}]{Introduction}\par
he measurement of levels of consumerism is important to understand the characteristics of the global and domestic economy, which play a role in shaping the characteristics of the national economy. This is in agreement with the post-Fordist economic thought, which underlines consumption as an important aspect of the framework of capitalism. Consumption can influence the daily social life of community, including but not limited to lifestyle. Lifestyle in a society appears not without the role of post-Fordist capitalism, as its mode of existence depends on the activity of consuming its products \hyperref[b1]{(Amin, 1994)}.\par
In order to understand the role of consumerism in colouring the characteristics and foundations of the national economy, it is necessary to understand the characteristics of the domestic economy at the household level. In the context of the heterogeneous Indonesian society, based on geography, social economic status and cultural backgrounds, there is a need of a comprehensive perspective to study the dynamics of the domestic economy, which indicates the economic characteristics of the society. The Indonesian society, comprising of urban and rural communities, show the importance of the dimensions of consumerism to observe specific economic characteristics that differentiate the two communities. This study focuses on the economic characteristics of the urban society, which illustrates the urban consumerist society characteristics as the realisation of the interaction of local and global economy. The Indonesian urban society, open to the global economy through its workings in the media and various institutions, provides opportunities for the development of the practice of consumerism in the society. This study also focuses on the activity of household food consumption representing three social strata: lower, middle and upper.\par
A research done by Pacivis of FISIP UI in 2013 on the household food consumption patterns in two sub districts in Jakarta Capital Region (Lebak Bulus and Kelapa Gading subdistricts) show that the economic, cultural and social dimensions interact and build each other, resulting in characteristic patterns of consumption among households of lower, middle and upper social strata in urban Jakarta. The finding shows that these communities fulfil \hyperref[b4]{Bauman's (2005)} definition of a consumerist society. The three dimensions show through in the characteristics of consumerism that appear in urban households, especially in food consumption. The study, which was done as a survey of 240 households, underlines the importance of integrating the economic, social and cultural dimensions in studying economic activities at the household level.\par
This article is an exposition of the results of a study applying the instrument of consumerism indicators formulated by the writers through household surveys in two districts in Surabaya (Semampir and Rungkut). In accordance to the objective of the study, the description of this article shows the household food consumption patterns based on the economic, cultural and social dimensions. 
\section[{II.}]{II.} 
\section[{Research Methods}]{Research Methods}\par
This study utilises survey and in-depth interview as data collection methods. The survey is done to test the prepared indicators of consumerism, through questionnaires as the key instrument. The survey is the main method to obtain an illustration of consumerism in the urban society. In-depth interview is done to obtain more comprehensive understanding of the survey results at the household level. To that extent, in-depth interviews are done following the implementation of the survey, and directed towards informants who are expected to represent the survey data variation.\par
This study is done in two districts: Rungkut and Semampir. The choice of the two districts is intended to represent the heterogeneity of Surabaya. Rungkut is a recently developed district, marked with the development of new residential areas. The area has a heterogeneous characteristic, with a significant percentage of newcomers to the area. On the other hand, Semampir is an old urban settlement, in which indigenous Surabayaans have lived for more than two generations. There is also a significant and concentrated Middle Eastern community living in the district.\par
The survey is done to 120 households, 60 each in Rungkut and Semampir. The samples of the survey are households representing the lower, middle and upper social strata.\par
Government policies and articulations of capital concentrated domestically are push factors to the intense dynamics of the domestic economy, and also a main contributor to the development of the Indonesian economic foundations. As an attempt to understand the characteristics of the national economy, putting the socio-cultural aspect as one of the basis, this study intends to develop a construction of consumerism indicators measured through the economic, social and cultural dimensions.\par
The initial output of this study is the construction of consumerism indicators that is validated through a household survey. The conceptualisation of the indicators of consumerism is expected to demonstrate the consumption patterns of various commodities by the society ? especially foodstuffs, which has always supported the national economy of Indonesia, by showing cultural values (as the result of the interaction between cultural, economic and social elements) in the society. Besides, it also shows how food commodities that are consumed become the main form of how the society observes and practices cultural values. The indicators are expected to provide input for the government in studying and formulating decisions related to the attempt of maintaining national economic resilience.\par
The second output of the study is the verification of consumerism indicators based on food consumption patterns, done through household surveys of lower, middle and upper classes. Survey results are described as the indication of the necessity of indicators of the necessity of indicators of consumerism in measuring Indonesia's economic resilience.\par
This study defines consumerism as community consumption patternsspecifically food consumptionconsisting of households in which the food consumption patterns are formed through the influences of three dimensions: economic, cultural and social. The cultural dimension refers to cultural elements influencing the activity of food consumption by individuals/households. The economic dimension includes economic elements that influence the activity of food consumption by individuals/households. The social dimension illustrates how social elements play a role in influencing the activity of food consumption by individuals/households.\par
This study starts at the complexity of the interrelations of the concepts of consumption and production in accordance to post-Fordist perspective. In the perspective, production remains as the mainstay of profit accumulation, however, it has changed into a production of consumption. The process of consumption in post-Fordism refers to commodities resulting from a process of production \hyperref[b14]{(Lazzarato, 2004)}.\par
Production, thus, results in factors preconditioning the activity of consumption  {\ref (Idem, 1996} {\ref (Idem, , 2004;;}\hyperref[b11]{Hardt, 1999;}\hyperref[b10]{Hardt \& Negri, 2000;} {\ref Virno, 2007)}. This is a character of post-Fordist capitalism, in which it produces a network of social relations, which according to Lazzarato, creates a world of its own, which becomes the precondition for its continued existence (i.e. profit accumulation). If the production of goods and services are considered as material production, the production of social relations networks is considered as immaterial production  {\ref (Idem, 1996)}. The theoretical problems to be answered in order to develop a set of consumerism indicators in the post-Fordist era are, first, mapping social relations patterns that are created and are the preconditions of the consumption of consumer subjects; second, mapping institution networks that are the materialisation of existing social relation patterns; third, describing the operations of the social relations networks in accommodating and canalising the drive of consumer subjects.\par
The aspects of social relation pattern networks, networks of institutions playing a role in creating food consumption, are structurised in the study through the development of consumerism indicators to be tested. The indicators of consumerism in the study are presented in the following matrix: 
\section[{IV. Description of the Study Areas}]{IV. Description of the Study Areas}\par
Semampir is a district located in the northern part of Surabaya. The total population of this district is as many as 154,455 inhabitants. Semampir district consists of five subdistricts, namely Ampel, Pegirian, Wonokusumo, Ujung and Wonotopo. The district has a total area of 8.76 km 2 .\par
The main location of the study is the subdistrict of Ampel. The subdistrict has 21,907 inhabitants, and according to official data from the subdistrict, about 60 percent of the population is of Middle Eastern descent. Ampel Subdistrict is located in the southern part of Semampir District, and is quite close to the Java coast across the island of Madura. This location contributes to the composition of its population, in which there is a significant Madurese population. However, according to subdistrict officials, Ampel Subdistrict is dominated by people from Middle Eastern descent, from Saudi Arabia, Tunisia and other regions. They have settled for scores, even hundreds of years in the location. Therefore, even the people of Middle Eastern descent there speaks the Eastern Javanese dialect.\par
In the subdistrict of Ampel, one can find an object of religious tourism, namely the tomb of Sunan Ampel, and there is a highly visible presence of Middle Eastern culture. This is evident from the Islamic way of clothing, food sold in restaurants and street vendors representing Middle Eastern culture, and even the way of life of the people of Arab descent who tend to live among extended families.\par
Despite the dominance of Arabic culture and population, the subdistrict shows peaceful coexistence between people from the Middle East and Madurese descent. There is no meaningful social distance in this subdistrict, especially among males, who hang out in various corners of the subdistrict, especially in coffee shops that become meeting centres of the inhabitants. Not only ethnic differences, economic class also does not preclude relations between the inhabitants. Anyone can get along with others without being restricted by economic boundaries.\par
However, unlike men, the women, especially of Middle Eastern descent, are very much closed. Usually they only interact with their families and female neighbours. They keep a distance from the men, which is a habit from their ancestors.\par
In Ampel, it is very difficult to find "international" food such as fast food restaurant that otherwise flourish in other areas, such as Pizza Hut, McDonald's, KFC and others. On the other hand, Arabic cuisine is very easy to find, such as biryani rice ("nasi kebuli"), unleavened flat bread ("roti Maryam") etc. There are many bakers of roti maryam, Whose products are sold in Ampel and elsewhere. There is only a traditional market in the subdistrict, and no supermarket.\par
Rungkut is a district located in the eastern part of Surabaya, close to Sidoarjo. The total population of this subdistrict is 101, 252. The district consists of six subdistricts: Kali Rungkut, Rungkut Kidul, Kedung Baruk, Penjaringan Sari, Wonorejo, and Medokan Ayu. The total area of the district is 2,286.21 ha.\par
The district of Rungkut comprises mostly of indigenous East Javanese people, although there are several housing complexes inhabited mostly by people from Chinese descent. Here, one can easily find traditional cuisine such as fried duck, cow lip salad ("rujak cingur"), soto, etc., even international restaurants like McDonald's.\par
In Rungkut, there are traditional markets and supermarkets, consisting of smaller ones such as Superindo and Alfamart, to hypermarkets such as Giant and the like. In contrast to Ampel, where Arabic culture very strongly influences the activity of the community, in Rungkut, In contrast to Ampel, where Arabic culture very strongly influences the activity of the community, in Rungkut, availability of global retailers/hypermarkets and in turn, global foodstuffs, is much wider, resulting in wider consumption of these commodities. This is reflected in the availability of a variety of retailers offering products and commodities with a variety of local and global brands. In Rungkut, while the diversity is not as comprehensive as in the centre of Surabaya, there are various facilities and infrastructure that provide the food needs of its citizens fairly such as traditional markets, supermarkets, to small shopping malls.\par
Unlike in Ampel region, in Rungkut, the communities from different social classes tend to live separately. This can be seen from the varied residential complexes that mark the boundaries of social classes. For example, upper class residential areas tend to be guarded by security forces, while the middle class live in older housing complexes. The lower class lives in the peripheries of the district, bordering other districts that tend to lack middle and upper strata communities. There is only limited social interaction taking place across social strata, so that interaction tends to take place between people from the same social stratum. The intensity of interaction between neighbours in the middle and upper strata communities tend to be low. According to the informants, their economic activity taking place outside of residences is one factor that contributes to the lack of opportunity to interact with other residents. 
\section[{V. Characteristics of Surabaya Survey Respondents}]{V. Characteristics of Surabaya Survey Respondents}\par
The survey participants consisted of 120 respondents, of which 60 each come from Rungkut and Semampir districts in Surabaya. The survey respondents represent the three social strata: lower, middle, and upper. This study puts the wife/mother as the unit of observation, considering the characteristics of Javanese culture where the women act as household managers. Thus, in order to find out information related to consuming activity -preparing, processing, producing and consuming food -the wife/mother is the person who understands the process. 
\section[{a) Respondent Occupation}]{a) Respondent Occupation}\par
Of the 120 respondents, 60.8\% are in salaried jobs, while 39.2 \% work as housewives. Among the respondents who work, the highest proportion work as entrepreneurs. It seems that being an entrepreneur is considered to suit the status as a wife/mother, as the time spent for the occupation can be adapted to the situation and the conditions in the home and family. As described by a respondent of Arab descent, according to the norms and values of her ethnic traditions, women are encouraged to do activities centred in the home, so for her, the choice of economic activities that generate money is to trade a variety of products (bed sheets, perfume etc.) through on-line means. 
\section[{b) Respondent Education}]{b) Respondent Education}\par
The survey data show that among the 120 respondents, 46.7\% graduated from high school/equivalent. In addition, quite a large number of respondents have university level education (23.3\%). Nevertheless, 0.8\% of the respondents never had any formal education Graph 1 : Educational Background of Respondents (n= 120) 
\section[{VI. Ethnicity and Religion}]{VI. Ethnicity and Religion}\par
In accordance with the location of this study, the majority of respondents are ethnic Javanese, making up 53.3\% of the respondents. Although Rungkut is more heterogeneous, the Javanese ethnic group remains dominant. Based on the survey results, 34.2\% of the respondents are of Middle Eastern descent (Yemen, etc.). This is due to the selection of Semampir as a survey location, being known as the Arab Town section of Surabaya. According to local history, the Arab community began to settle in the area when Sunan Ampel arrived from Arabia, alongside his 3000 followers who also settled. The Middle Eastern presence in Semampir has lasted for a long time, many of them have settled for 4 or 5 generations. As stated by community leaders in Semampir, the Arabs of Semampir tend to live clustered in accordance to their clan, and houses are passed down from generation to generation through the sons. There is thus a tendency that a family lives in the same location for a long time. Those who move out of the house, or out of the community, are the daughters of the family, because the patrilineal inheritance system passes the property to the sons. Besides, the daughters leave the house or even the cluster to follow their husbands.\par
Both in Rungkut and in Semampir, the majority of of the respondents are Muslim. The composition is 92\% Muslim, 5\% Catholic, 2\% Protestant Christian, and 1\% Hindus. Islam is the dominant religion, and according to the former subdistrict head, Semampir is 100\% Muslim. 
\section[{a) Vehicle ownership}]{a) Vehicle ownership}\par
The survey uses an ownership indicator that is less commonly applied in social surveys to illustrate consumerism at the family level (such as house and motor vehicle ownership). The survey shows that 85\% of upper class households have a car, while only 42.5\% of middle class households and 5\% of lower class households do. On the other hand, 77.5\% of lower class households have a motorbike, while among the middle and upper classes, motorbike ownership is almost universal (over 95\%).  
\section[{VII. Social Media and Communication Technology Devices}]{VII. Social Media and Communication Technology Devices}\par
The study positions the social media as one of the factors that play an important role in influencing family food consumption patterns through information shared by family members. Thus, information regarding the use of the Internet is a concern of this survey. Based on the results of survey data, Internet usage is more common in families originating from the middle social strata (42.5\% using a landline and 25\% using Internet subscription). This is similar to the upper social stratum, among whom the same percentage subscribe to an Internet connection and 35\% use a landline. Among the lower classes, 85\% of the families lack Internet access in any form (subscription or landline). In addition to the Internet, laptops/notebooks, tablets, smartphones, and mobile phones are important tools that facilitate people to communicate and access information in a global world. Among respondent families, there is a tendency that the higher the social class, the higher the ownership of smartphones and tablets for electronic communications. Over 90\% of stratum do. Conversely, feature mobile phones are more commonly found among the lower stratum (85\% to 75\%) than in the upper stratum. The rate of utilisation of tablets and feature phones do not differ much between upper stratum households own smartphones, while only 22.5\% of the lower stratum do. 22.5\% of upper stratum households own tablets, while only 15\% of the lower the upper and lower strata, though. Notebook/laptops are more widely used among the upper stratum (57.5\%) compared to the lower (17.5\%). Notebook and laptops are more convenient and flexible for users, compared to desktop computers, which cannot be carried anywhere by the users.  
\section[{Economic Dimension}]{Economic Dimension}\par
The economic dimension of consumption discusses the sources of dishes served on weekdays, weekends and during special occasions, by different households in the research locations.\par
Graph 6 : Sources of Dishes Served during Weekdays by area (n = 120)\par
The graph on the sources of dishes presented during weekdays by social status indicates that there are no significant differences between the social classes. It is interesting to note that both in Rungkut and Semampir, all social strata cook their own dishes. In Semampir, compared to Rungkut, more households of all social strata cook their dishes. This is due to the homogeneously Arabic culture and tradition of Semampir, resulting in the Arabic cuisine of the area, and the majority of the housewives preferring to cook themselves to cater to their families.\par
Similarly, there are no significant differences between social groups of households regarding the source of dishes presented on weekends. Compared to the graph on sources of dishes on the weekdays (Graph 4.7), data on the weekends (Graph 4.8) shows a similar tendency. In both Rungkut and Semampir, across the social strata, most families cook their own food. The only difference is that in both Semampir and Rungkut, the upper stratum is found to prefer buying ready cooked food or eating out in restaurants in weekends, compared to the middle and lower strata. Compared to weekdays, weekends show that in both locations, more ready cooked food are purchased, and more people eat out. However, the majority of the families still cook their own food.\par
As for the source of dishes on special occasions, there are no significant differences between the strata. Graph 4.9 shows that more families cook their own dishes for special events in Semampir, compared to in Rungkut. This is due to their specific Arabic cuisine, and because each member of the extended family (kinship group/clan) contribute in preparing dishes at special events. Thus, in the economic dimension, especially in the sources of dishes, there is no significant difference between groups of households during weekdays, weekends and special events. The only difference lies in the cultural context compared to the social strata.\par
The economic dimension of this study also discusses their confidence of their income in the next 5 years, and also the use of credit cards by the households. The graph on the confidence the family income in the next 5 years shows no significant differences between strata. In Rungkut, the upper households feel confident and quite confident about their income in the next 5 years, while the middle and lower households feel confident, too. It is not different in Semampir, where the upper and middle households feel confident about their income in the next 5 years, while the lower households feel quite confident. This indicates that the economy in both regions, Semampir and Rungkut, tend to be stable in the next immediate years.\par
The chart below shows the use of credit cards in households, showing that in both Rungkut and Semampir, the middle and lower strata generally do not use credit cards. The upper stratum in Rungkut, both the husbands and the wives, generally use credit cards, but the upper stratum in Semampir generally do not use credit cards.  
\section[{Cultural Dimension}]{Cultural Dimension}\par
This section describes the influence of traditions, culture of origin and religion professed by the families. The influence of tradition is indicated by the frequency of traditional dishes served in the daily menu for the consumption of the family. Meanwhile, the role of religious values in the consumption pattern is represented by the concern in regard to the halal status of food products. In addition, this section also outlines the views of respondents about their image to be shown through the food they consume.\par
Based on the results of the survey shown in the bar chart below, there are similar indications among respondents in Semampir and Rungkut that they tend to eat traditional meals on a daily basis. Nevertheless, the higher tendency is found in families in Rungkut. The results of in-depth interviews in Rungkut and Semampir show that traditional foods from the place of origin are still the main dishes on the menu on a daily basis. The Javanese families in Rungkut serve at least one Javanese dish daily, while in Semampir, the community dominated by families of Arabic origin (Middle Eastern) continues to routinely prepare and serve ethnic food. Survey results on the role of religious values shown in the graph above show similar indications between households in Rungkut and Semampir, namely the tendency of families to consider the halal seal and halal product in their consumption patterns. While among the different strata there are similar indications, among the upper strata, there is a slight difference between the two locations. In Semampir, the importance of halal seal is stated by 95\% of respondents, compared to 70\% in Rungkut. Similarly, the importance of halal products is mentioned by 100\% of respondents in Semampir, compared to 80\% in Rungkut. This is because families in Semampir are of Middle Eastern origin, who hold strongly Islamic values, including the issue of halal food. The graph above shows the role of religious values in the consumption patterns of families on the importance of halal producers and retailers. The survey indicates the same indications among the middle and lower strata households in Semampir and Rungkut, who consider important the issue of halal manufacturers and retailers. However, the upper strata in the two locations show a difference. Those in Rungkut generally consider halal manufacture to be quite important, or are neutral, unlike those in Semampir, who consider halal manufacture to be important. Similarly, regarding halal retailers, those in Rungkut tend to be neutral about it, while in Semampir it is considered important. This difference is due to the staunchly Islamic value of the families in Semampir.\par
The graph above shows the image to be shown by the family through food consumption. The survey indicates that the upper and middle strata in Rungkut and Semampir intend to show their family health identity in their pattern of consumption. Among the lower stratum, in Rungkut, they tend to show their economic identity, while in Semampir, they tend to show the health identity. This illustrates how the lower strata in Semampir families have a high awareness of the importance of healthy food for the family.\par
X. 
\section[{Social Dimension}]{Social Dimension}\par
The social dimension includes sources of halal food information, healthy food, and traditional dishes according to the views of the household.\par
Graph 13 : Sources of Information of Halal Food Information (n = 120)\par
The above graph shows that there are no sources of halal food information in both Rungkut and Semampir, in all social strata. This means that the consumption of halal food is already known in generations, so no certain sources are mentioned. Other information is obtained through the printed and electronic media, instead of the social media, family/relatives, friends, and experts.\par
Sources of healthy food information show differences between the social strata. For the upper stratum, the main source is the media, for the middle stratum, experts, and for the lower stratum, the media. It is interesting to see that for healthy food, many middle class households in Semampir and Rungkut obtain their information from experts. This is partly due to two factors. First, there is an awareness of the importance of health not household spending due to the cost of care required due to preventable food borne diseases. Second, the presence of family members or relatives working in the medical sector can be sources of credible information.\par
Graph 15 : Sources of Information of Traditional Dishes by area (n = 120)\par
In all social strata, information about traditional dishes is obtained from the family. This is because family members, including children, become the reference when choosing traditional dishes. Among those who answer 'none' for the question, it means that consumption of traditional food is regarded as part and parcel of the family culture, so no specific information source is references. The social dimension shows that there are different sources of information depending on the social class and type of food. 
\section[{XI.}]{XI.} 
\section[{Conclusion}]{Conclusion}\par
This study intends to critically examine Indonesian economic fundamentals reflected through food consumption patterns at the household level. Food consumption is the focus to analyse consumerism, as food is a basic need of each household. The illustration of consumerism shown by food consumption will provide another perspective to review the characteristics of the national economy, influenced by the global economic structure, and the dynamics of local and domestic economics. Household consumption patterns are domestic realities, yet are influenced and result from interactions with the global economic characteristics. Global economics manifest through the types of dishes, eating activities, especially as a form of recreation, and processing of food for everyday consumption. The penetration and influence of global economics are facilitated through various channels, facilities and media. Facilities such as hypermarkets and supermarkets, modern retail shops, are present alongside small domestic/local markets. The media take form as mass media (TV, newspapers and their advertisements), social networks (Facebook and the Internet), including ownership of various modern communications gadgets allowing exposure to various food commodity products, either local or global.\par
Besides, the roles of financial institutions and modern manufacturers are important in colouring household consumption pattterns.\par
In order to obtain more comprehensive understanding about food consumption patterns, this study uses the three dimensions of economy, culture and social, to illustrate the interaction between the three dimensions, which results in characteristic consumption patterns among the lower, middle and upper social strata. This study concentrates on the urban area, considering that the global and domestic economic interactions, marked by the flow of information about global products and commodities, and availability of global and domestic facilities, are more at urban areas, compared to rural. In general, the three dimensions influence consumption patterns, although the strength of the influence depends on the social class of the respondent being studied.\par
This study intends to develop indicators of consumerism as an alternative method to study national resilience and characteristics of the Indonesian economy. As indicators to be developed into an index applicable at the wider scale, the study implements a survey to verify the results of the consumerism indicator construction. The survey is done in 120 households, which proportionally represent the lower, middle and upper social strata, respectively. The research is done in Surabaya, namely Rungkut and Semampir Districts.\par
In relation to the economic dimension, this study shows that the majority of households, especially in providing meals on a day to day basis, continue to cook the food themselves. The role of modern economic institutions, namely credit cards, is beginning to be visible among the upper social strata, although still on a limited basis. However, what is interesting from the findings in general is that the ownership of credit cards, which is a symbolic status of the consumer society, is quite low in the Semampir Districts, those who access credit cards come from the upper social strata. This indicates that in the Semampir Districts, credit card ownership in one household is still not regarded as a necessity and has not even been considered as a desire. In contrast, the upper social strata of the Rungkut Districts are indicating that credit card ownership in one household is necessary and has become a desire, such as the character of a consumer society.\par
The workings of the cultural dimension is marked by the role of the values and principles of tradition and religion that strongly influence food to be consumed and eating locations selected when eating out. The role of tradition is shown in the habit of households of all strata, which routinely serve traditional dishes in daily menus. The role of religion also shows in the issue of halal food, which is regarded as important in all social strata.\par
The social dimension is marked by the role of various institutions to household consumption patterns. Reference groups and the media play important roles in influencing consumption patterns, and social strata confirms these factors. Survey findings show that the role of the electronic and printed media are quite significant in influencing all social strata in obtaining information about healthy and halal food. Information about traditional food is dominatingly provided by family members and relatives.\begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{3}\includegraphics[]{image-2.png}
\caption{\label{fig_0}Graph 3 :}\end{figure}
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\caption{\label{fig_4}Graph 8 :}\end{figure}
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\caption{\label{fig_5}Graph 9 :}\end{figure}
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\caption{\label{fig_6}Graph 11 :}\end{figure}
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