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\title{Mapping of Youth Traits and Behaviours in Political base Violence -A Survey of Selected bases Post-Elections in Zimbabwe}
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             \author[1]{Obediah  Dodo}

             \author[2]{Joanne  Kambalata}

             \author[3]{Blessmore  Mpofu}

             \affil[1]{  Bindura University of Science Education}

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\date{\small \em Received: 11 December 2018 Accepted: 3 January 2019 Published: 15 January 2019}

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\begin{abstract}
        


The study mapped the behaviours and traits of the youths who have participated in political base violence. It was a triangulated study that adopted a longitudinal survey approach. The study interviewed 160 participants and was guided by the Utilitarian Theory of Rational Choice. Data were collected using a culturally specific 14-item instrument designed and validated by the researchers. Data were analysed using SPSS complimented with Narrative Latent Content Analysis. Findings from the study submit that violence exposure results in different risks of mental distress-disorders. Bases in Zimbabwe have affected the youths psychologically and behaviourally.

\end{abstract}


\keywords{mapping; political base violence; youth behaviour; youth violence; social implications}

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\let\tabcellsep& 	 	 		 
\section[{I. Introduction}]{I. Introduction}\par
olitical bases in Zimbabwe have caused untold disorder and suffering infringing on the ordinary people's rights. These are concepts that are only created ahead of critical national elections with the hope of manipulating the masses' ideology towards a particular election direction. This is often achieved through fear, coercion, deception, pain and death. Over the years, political bases have had post-election negative results which ordinarily should avail a lesson the both base participants and the general public. It has however been evident that if ever there are changes, they are minimal on the part of the planners and not base participants who execute the plans. The question that has remained hanging is why the same people continue to take an active role despite the post-election social, political and religious effects. The study therefore looks at the characteristics and behaviours of the youth who are always active in political base activities. It looks at selected individuals who have participated over a selected time span of eleven years in selected bases in Harare and Mashonaland Central provinces, Zimbabwe. 
\section[{II. Background}]{II. Background}\par
During the 1970s war of liberation in Rhodesia, the liberation forces employed secret rendezvous for both mass mobilisation and as detention centres and residences. The system worked as no-one raised a question then or else, the person risked getting labelled a traitor before facing severe penalty in the form of a painful death. The concept of a secret rendezvous was again resuscitated in Zimbabwe especially during the 2002 Presidential election when former liberation war participants commonly called war veterans and supported by the security services sought to canvass support for the ruling party.\par
The secret rendezvous concept is what is commonly referred to as political bases. As soon as a base is established, most of the local political programmes and strategies are crafted and implemented. The base serves as an operational point from where the youths serving as the foot-soldiers of the tactics and vanguards of the ideology, launch their plans from. In 2008, realising an imminent threat of defeat by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (Zanu PF) set-up political bases through-out the country for a period of 42 days prior the June-held elections. Post-the election, there were some major bases that were maintained for close to two months for both strategic reasons and as the party sought to compensate the participants.\par
Similarly, during the 2013 Harmonised elections, Zanu PF also established bases ahead of the vote to intensify on the campaigns and manipulate local electoral systems. The ultimate outcomes of the two elections' bases was violence, persecution and suffering of the people. However, what has to be realised about the base concept is the fact that almost all the base participants were youths who had either been forced into joining or were in it for personal aggrandisement. Ultimately, they all had to unleash torture and violence on the innocent and defenceless citizens. They sometimes faces the same violence too as some turned against their peers.\par
For participating in the bases and sometimes realising some material and financial benefits, some youths became excited and interested in the violence so much so that they sort of got 'addicted'. It is therefore in the post-election era that the study seeks to establish the lives and welfare of the participating youths by exploring their traits and behaviours from a medical, social and psychological perspective. This is against a background where it is socially argued that killing, torturing or persecuting innocent people has serious negative implications on the perpetrator. It also comes against a situation where some of the feared and notorious youths are known to be suffering from various mental challenges. Therefore the study basically seeks to establish the veracity (if at all) and depth of the effects of repeatedly partaking in the political base violence especially against innocent and defenceless people. The study intends to find out if anything unusual has developed in the lives of the youths now that the bases are closed. 
\section[{III. Methodology}]{III. Methodology}\par
This is a triangulated study that adopted a longitudinal survey approach and stretching from 2002 to 2013. Structured interviews were conducted with 160 youth (n=160) aged between 18 and 35 years over a one year period in Harare and Mashonaland Central provinces. The participants were purposively sampled, according to inclusion criteria, among the attendants to known political bases at Mvurachena in Harare and Tsungubvi Community Hall, Glendale, Wadzanayi Community Hall, Shamva and Tendai Hall, Bindura all in Mashonaland Central province. The inclusion criteria for the participants were being youth (18-35 years of age) and having engaged at least twice in political bases during the period under review. Interviews were preferred because some of the youth were either illiterate, had no time to complete the questionnaires or were of no fixed abode. Some were apprehensive about the safety of the information. Each interview session lasted about 20-30 minutes. Each interviewee was approached individually at a convenient place and time and was required to respond to the following structured template; The study was conducted along an antipositivist' perspective that believes in depth of data rather than width and so settled for a small sample  {\ref (Hellstrom, 2008: 321)} which could bring out the desired results efficiently. To analyse data, SPSS was complimented with Narrative Latent Content Analysis; the themes especially ideas, behaviours, and incidents were created from the data itself, with no pre-existing hypotheses. The results were validated by triangulating data from the interviews and archival literature before presenting them both descriptively and statistically. The findings were also arranged into logical categories of importance, chronology, and frequency to find structural meanings in the messages.\par
To guarantee credibility, reliability and some generalizability of the findings, the study applied data triangulation which saw the use different sources of information and methodological triangulation. The study also put in place an effective audit trail which guaranteed comprehensive and correct interpretations, truth value and call backs. The study also adhered to guidelines for standard ethics protecting the participants' privacy and confidentiality. The essence of the research was explained to the sampled youths before they consented to participate in the study. There was no need for any official authority to interview the participants since they were all adults. Similarly, no personal identifiers were taken from them and were mindful of the fact that they could pull out from the study at any time and that the data would be destroyed. Again, the study did not offer any monetary payment for participating. 
\section[{a) Sample}]{a) Sample}\par
The study employed 160 participants who were purposively drawn from four randomly selected political bases in Harare and Mashonaland Central provinces. The selected bases are Mvurachena in Harare which had an average of 1500 and Tsungubvi Community Hall, Glendale with an average of 85, Wadzanayi Community Hall, Shamva with 80 and Tendai Hall, Bindura with an average of 100 youths, all in Mashonaland Central province with each contributing 40 youths. From base attendance lists obtained from the youth leadership, all the sampled participants were tracked to their current places of residences for interviews. From each base, deliberate effort was made to ensure a balanced distribution of gender and age cohorts, thus 20 males and 20 females. The study had however oversampled the primary sample unit by 40 participants in anticipation of loses, refusals, deaths and migration effects among others. The sampling approach also ensured that each of the participants had participated in at least two of the election bases chosen from 2002, 2008 and 2013 elections. Some of the participants were tracked to the following areas. Data were captured electronically using tablets through Open Data Kit platform for efficiency. All the questions on the instrument were answered since the interviewers ensured that all posed questions got some response. 
\section[{( F )}]{( F )} 
\section[{c) Objectives}]{c) Objectives}\par
The study sought to map the behaviours and traits of the youths who have repeatedly participated in political base violence in respective areas with a view to establishing a trend on their mental/psychological and social positions post-violence activities. This was achieved through the following;\par
? Positively establish the youths who have participated in more than one election violence.\par
? Establish the feelings and attitudes of the youths towards their violent activities with reference to particular cases of either injury, persecution or death.\par
? Identify common traits and behaviours in the sampled youths relative to the rest. 
\section[{IV. Statement of the Problem}]{IV. Statement of the Problem}\par
The challenge of political bases in Zimbabwe has persisted and growing with each obtaining election. Though bases are administered by elders especially members of the former liberation war participants' association commonly called war veterans or members of the military, it is the youth who do most of the footsoldiers' work. Most times with little long-term tangible benefits, the youth keep turning up for the same base duties every time there are elections.\par
Studies have noted that with each election, youths involved in base activities tend to perfect their craftsmanship meaning more persecution and suffering on the part of the general populace (RAU, 2012: 23; Dodo et al 2016: 208; Dodo \& Dodo, 2018: 4). However, what most studies have not adequately explained are the following; the type of youth who are partaking in base activities, their attitudes towards violence, benefits derivable from the bases, and their behaviours and conduct post-base activities. Therefore, the study attempts to map the behaviours and traits of the youth who repeatedly partake in political base violence. This is against the background of Ubuntu/hunhu which argues that one's conscience determines his/her conduct and behaviour post-activity. It is also socially believed that killing or spilling the blood of innocent people attracts serious misfortunes. V. Delimitation 
\section[{Base}]{Base}\par
While the study findings are expected to be generalisable and depict the entire picture of the youth in base violence, the research was conducted in limited areas. It only focused on Harare and Mashonaland Central provinces specifically picking on the following districts; Harare South and Mazowe, Shamva and Bindura respectively. However, besides the selected districts, the interviews took the study to Chitungwiza and Epworth districts. Recognizing that in 2008 according to RAU (2012: 23) and  {\ref Dodo et al (2016: 208)}, there were 46 districts with an average of nine bases each (414 bases), the decision to sample four is hard to satisfy the dictates of positivism. However, as alluded above, this study strictly followed anti-positivism  {\ref (Hellstrom, 2008: 321)} and believes that 4 out of 414 bases suffice. Besides, the selected bases are some of the bases that traditionally carry the highest numbers of youths thus making them ideal and best for the research.\par
With regards to archival literature, the study was wide enough to capture all the relevant and current information and activities that are good for the study. Only credible and appropriate sources were consulted. 
\section[{VI. Profiles of the Bases}]{VI. Profiles of the Bases}\par
The four bases; Mvurachena had an average of 1500 youths, Tsungubvi Community Hall had an average of 85, Wadzanayi Community Hall, 80 and Tendai Hall, had an average of 100 youths during the two study episodes. During the 2008, bases were set-up for 42 days prior to the elections and an average of 45 -60 days post-election. The post-election period was long as the political authorities were failing to dismantle the bases as the youths were demanding compensation for their roles. Apparently, the majority had been affected in one way or the other. The 2013 bases existed for an average of 30 days and disbanded seven days after the announcement of the election results. In total, the youths were in the bases for an average of 139 days; all fully packed with politicisation, thuggery, immorality and cruelty. 
\section[{VII. Theoretical Framework}]{VII. Theoretical Framework}\par
The research was guided by the Utilitarian Theory of Rational Choice  {\ref (Simpson, 2007: 3794)} whose roots are in the fields of utilitarianism and economics. The theory argues that having a chance and access are the main determinants in youth delinquency. It also posits that youths justify whatever they do in life by weighing means against ends. According to the theory, the state law and justice administration systems have a mandate to control social conduct otherwise agents of criminality and thuggery would consider the profits derivable from the activities. According to Esiri (2016: 1), the youth usually partake in thuggery after looking at individual situations like unemployment, poverty, the need for company, financial benefits and security amongst others. According to the theory, the conduct and behaviours of the youth in violence is not static; it responses to various circumstances. 
\section[{VIII. Literature Review a) Bases in Zimbabwe}]{VIII. Literature Review a) Bases in Zimbabwe}\par
Bases are political institutions that are created to serve as clandestine rendezvous for election management and manipulation of potential results. The management and manipulation are conducted through various mechanisms; legal and illegal. RAU (2012: 23) and Dodo \& Musorowegomo (2012: 134) report that 41\% of the bases established during the 2002 presidential election were in schools, with 78\% of those being in primary school premises. The studies also show that in 2008, nearly 20\% of the established bases were located in schools while the rest were either in other public places that had been converted secret or in the bushes.\par
According to RAU (2012: 23), there were bases in 46 districts all over the country and an average of 12 to 18 bases in each while Dodo \& Musorowegomo (2012: 134) report that there were an average of 20 to 1,500 people per base depending on its siting and the availability of enticements and level of intimidation. Usually if there are opportunities for looting and amassing material resources, more youth are lured especially with the high levels of joblessness in Zimbabwe. Similarly, if the levels of coercion, suspicion and persecution are high, more youths are likely to participate either for protection purposes or to avoid victimisation and torture. However, political base violence is particularly traumatic for youth participants because it often involves intimate violence, including witnessing death through torture, seeing opponents getting hurt and watching members of the neighbourhood suffer and die.\par
Some studies posit that youths who partake in base violence at a younger age are more likely to have substance abuse problems, criminal activity, employment difficulties, and problems with social relationships after leaving the bases (Wexler et al, 2009: 565; Harris et al, 2011: 425). Equally, long-term distress and symptomatology is higher within youths who would have entered and participated in base violence at a younger age. Younger youths exposed to base violence may be at greater risk than their older colleagues (Alleyne \& Wood, 2013: 611). 
\section[{b) Youth Motivation for Politics and Violence}]{b) Youth Motivation for Politics and Violence}\par
In most developing democracies, political processes are often driven by the youths who then resort to violence to out-do some of the barriers that may be retarding their efforts. In Zimbabwe in particular, most of the youths who are involved in politics and violence are influenced by various factors. Studies show that jobless youth are two and half times more likely to take part in violence than the employed youth since their opportunity cost of doing so is low, and they may notice possible economic benefits (USAID, 2005).\par
Various scholars (Dodo \& Dodo, 2018: 4) present various influences for the youth involvement in violence as among others; coercion, peer pressure, victimisation, economic grievances and poor governance, insecurity, general inequalities, and ignorance amongst others. Interestingly, according to Hilker \& Fraser (2009: 1) and Sommers (2011: 292), an International Labour Organisation (ILO) study in Congo-Brazzaville, Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Rwanda found out that two-thirds of all child soldiers joined wars and violence willingly. Studies also illustrate that about 70\% of armed forces and groups the world-over  {\ref (Sommers, 2011: 292)} and violent activities are committed by male youth with only 30\% females taking part (WB, 2011). However, some of these researches appear to be disregarding the involvement of females in some of the conflicts like in Chechnya, Israel, Uganda, South Sudan, Congo-Brazzaville, Lebanon, Sri Lanka, Turkey, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), and Iraq \hyperref[b17]{(Sommers \& Uvin, 2011)}.\par
Other researches demonstrate evidence of continuousness in aggressive behaviour from youth to old age. Typically, a study in United States indicates that 59\% of youths with records of having been arrested for violent offences before they reached 18 years of age were arrested yet again in adulthood. The same study reports that 42\% of these adult criminals were accused of at least a serious violent misconduct like murder, serious assault or rape (Hamparian, 1985 in Dodo, 2018: 1). Therefore, from these studies, there is some evidence that an element of delinquents may be either inherent in an individual or that it follows one for as long as the conditions remain the same. 
\section[{c) Violence and Trauma}]{c) Violence and Trauma}\par
Violence has long-lasting psychological and physical effect on the civilian people. Most researches on mental health in conflict and post-conflict situations argue that violence and destruction emanating from conflicts are the main and direct sources of mental distress and other severe chronic disorders. Again, Miller \& Rasmussen (2010: 7) argue that exposure to violence causes various mental distress disorders, such as anxiety and depression or more severe psychotic and behavioural disorders.  {\ref Trani et al (2011: 403)} posit that youths defined by some levels of poverty and low status in society are more likely to experience cases of mental distress-disorders since they have restricted material and psychosocial means, lower self-esteem and limited ability to deal with outside stresses and to acclimatise and show resilience Studies show a close relationship between the concepts of religiosity and spirituality and mental health especially among youths at high risk for depression and terminally ill patients among others  {\ref (Ventevogel,}    {\ref Mutambara \& Sodi (2016:7)}, believing in someone who is all-knowing and influential is a type of an emotion-focused coping mechanism. Therefore, religion becomes a spring of emotional support for persons who are under pressure and stressed. It assists to get rid of apprehensions and to believe that a supernatural power is in control. In times of stress, spirit mediums help cope with adverse events. In the same vein,  {\ref Fonda (2011: 38)} notes that spirituality has an emotional impact on people's welfare and helps in healing mental health concerns. 
\section[{IX. Findings}]{IX. Findings}\par
After collecting data from all the 160 participants, it was appropriately processed and presented according to themes that were created through the analysis process. It is thus presented accordingly. 
\section[{a) Demographic data}]{a) Demographic data}\par
The participants in the study were distributed as follows;  
\section[{Volume XIX Issue III Version I}]{Volume XIX Issue III Version I} 
\section[{( F ) b) Findings' Data}]{( F ) b) Findings' Data}\par
In-order to comprehensively respond to the youths' behaviours and traits, the study developed a model which measures variables in respect of each of the items considered important to determine youths' behaviours and traits as listed below. The findings show that 51 youths (32\%) were either in broken or had been raised in broken families hence lack family-hood traits of patience, love and care for the others.\par
Fourteen (8\%) female participants across all age groups indicated that following their base experiences, they have developed a serious liking for sex with eight (6\%) of them revealing that they are now into full-time prostitution. They also revealed that some of their colleagues were failing to get married to decent partners and start normal families.\par
On the frequency of violence, 90 (56\%) indicated that they were regularly involved in bloody violence while 55 (34\%) indicated that they only engage in violence during election times. The former group (56\%) revealed that they now enjoy to attend public gatherings and protests to either unleash violence or possibly to loot. Such exposure to violence was a likely cause of various mental distress disorders, such as anxiety, neurosis, suicidal ideation, attention deficits, hysteria and depression and more severe psychotic and behavioural disorders. Of these, 56 (34\%) reported that they had severe scars on their bodies while others reported of physical ailments of the nervous system like tremor, aphasia, paralysis and headaches as a result of their involvement in violence.\par
Interestingly, 68 participants (43\%) pointed out that they have no friends which may be worrying for normal relationships. The other 60 (38\%) revealed that they have violent friends who probably keep influencing them to enjoy violence.\par
Of the 160 participants, 137 (86\%) have been arrested several times before.\par
On some of the prominent habits, 88 (55\%) smoke and drink, 22 (14\%) are restless while 70 (44\%) presented other habits like enjoying violence and substance abuse which may be sign that either violence is innate or has been nurtured over time due to various circumstances. The same participants indicated their preparedness to partake in any other violence should it start. However, they offered no justification for their position.\par
Fifty-one participants (32\%) reported of somniphobia; that they rarely sleep as they will be troubled by the past violent activities. The other 70 (44\%) indicated that they often experience hallucinations, bad dreams, hyperaesthesia and memory loss.\par
Participants reported of monophobia; that when they are alone, they usually present the following behaviours; soliloquy, restlessness and hallucinations, 68 (43\%), 39 (24\%) and 42 (26\%) respectively.\par
There were some signs of serious psychological effects (anxiety, depression, antisocial behaviour, mania and insanity) on the participants. Only nine (6\%) revealed that they were feeling normal while 30 (19\%) were visibly dirty, 90 (56\%) were of very violent nature and 32 (20\%) were withdrawn.\par
There were also participants who indicated that they are either told or feel it that they are now suffering from the effects of the acts of torture, persecution and killings that they perpetrated during their stays in the bases. While no-one ever acknowledged having killed, 42 (26\%) and 13 (8\%) said they experienced hallucinations, mental disorders while only nine (6\%) said they were feeling normal.\par
Ninety-six participants (60\%) revealed that they were experiencing various discomforts like; avenging spirits (ngozi), loss of memory, anxiety, tokophobia, depression and misogynic, delusions, psychosis, hallucinations, insomnia, and agoraphobia. They all suspected that it was because of their activities in the bases.\par
As a remedial measure, the participants said they were seeking spiritual help. 78 (49\%) said they cannot do without spiritual assistance while 42 (26\%) indicated that their cases were beyond simple remedy. Some said that they had been advised to compensate their victims' families spiritually to attend to their challenges. 
\section[{X. Discussion}]{X. Discussion}\par
While the model employed to assess the traits and behaviours of the participants may not be fool-proof and not accommodating the medical expectations of the assessments, it has managed to synthesize some of the basic attributes of the youths who participated in the political bases during the period under study. The study findings could therefore be divided into two distinct categories; traits and behaviours for easy discussion.\par
The study established various traits that could be used to identify youths who have participated in political base violence. The findings show that the youths in the bases were really involved in some activities. First and foremost, it is shown in the study that the youth were excited people whenever they executed their duties despite an element of coercion. However, the experiences of these behaviours; soliloquy, restlessness and hallucinations, 43\%, 24\% and 26\% respectively is an indication of severe effects of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in the youth who have participated in violence repeatedly over the eleven years period of study. This resonates with previous studies  {\ref (Miller \& Rasmussen, 2010: 7;} {\ref Trani et al, 2011: 403)} that say youths who are exposed to violence are likely to suffer most and longer.\par
It was shown in the study that 56\% of the youths who have been in the bases are violent as evidenced by unexpected and unprovoked outbursts. They are also often armed for no explanation. Such violence has landed over 86\% of them in criminal courts. It has also been noted that 34\% of them have very visible scars on their faces earned from violence. Other traits for youths as found out in the study include being always dirty. 56\% of the participants do not both bath and change clothes while 43\% lead lonely lives without known permanent friends. If there are any, they are equally violent and lonely.\par
Youths who have participated in base violence have been characterised by this study as being restless and experiencing regular hallucinations. The same participants expressed their willingness to take part in other waves of violence though they could not explain their rationale. 44\% for both traits was recorded while 43\% were observed to be always talking to themselves. 78\% of the participants were also noted to have turned religious and prayerful ostensibly to seek remedy and solace. Hamparian in Dodo (2018: 1) notes the existence of some evidence of delinquents that may be either inherent in an individual or that it follows one for as long as the conditions remain the same.\par
The study also looked at the behaviours of the youths who would have participated in political base violence. With regards to visible psychological effects on the youths, the study noted that 19\% were visibly dirty; that they could be taken for mentally unstable people living on the streets while 56\% were of very violent nature. It could be seen that even their communication styles were rough and showing their impatience and intolerance of divergent views. The other 20\% who were withdrawn clearly showed that they are depressed and in serious need of medical help and some counselling as noted by  {\ref Tran et al (2011: 403)}.\par
As part of the youth behaviours, the study identified either extreme cases of loneliness or extreme gangsterism (38\%) resultantly leading to violence and sometimes serious discomforts (60\%). 44\% of the participants always experienced hallucinations while 32\% could not sleep at night. This is a result of serious trauma and depression. 13\% of the participants showed some mental disorder which often led to serious abuse of alcohol and smoking. 55\% of the participants resort to smoking and drinking to suppress their discomforts. Some of the youths have resorted to spirituality for help consulting either Christian or traditional healers. As noted with some of the participants, they cannot do without spiritual support as noted by Pargement \& Sweeney (2011: 58) and Mutambara \& Sodi (2016: 7) in other studies.\par
Generally the study has established that most youth who have been repeatedly involved in base violence tend to develop certain visible traits and behaviours which may not be identified in any other youth. The traits and behaviours are most probably as a result of the replicated conditions that force the youth to inculcate the practices as part of their lifestyles and behaviours. Over time, there may be an element of spiritualism taking effect especially from the trauma, depression and stress side of it. Some of the youth end up developing tokophobia (fear of women), PSTD, depression and getting withdrawn. Some had somniphobia (fear of sleep), agoraphobia (fear of crowds), and monophobia (fear of being alone). It was established in the study that about 42\% of the participants had been diagnosed with nervous disease ailments including; memory problems, delusions, psychosis, hallucinations, insomnia, confusion, hysteria, paranoia, illusions, and violent behaviour as was noted by Miller \& Rasmussen (2010: 7) and  {\ref Harris et al (2011: 425)}.\par
The study established that the more the youth met and worked together, the more they influenced violence and immorality. It was noted that the question of violence was largely an issue of the psychology where they tended to hype each other into the mood of violence. Eventually, the study notes that complimented by some desire for prostitution and violence tendencies, most of the participants are failing to adjust for normal 38 ( F ) marriages and families. It is evident that most of the youths who have failed to deal with the post-violence stress are generally those from poor families that cannot afford other means of therapy as argued by  {\ref Trani et al (2011: 403)}. Actually, youths from well up families are rarely exposed to base lives and violence. If anything, it is their families sponsoring the bases to perpetuate their political and economic agenda. 
\section[{XI. Recommendations}]{XI. Recommendations}\par
The study recommends that as a long-term measure meant to address the problem of political bases and their respective violence, there is need for an examination of the roots of violence and the impact on individual and community levels. This calls for all political players to firmly commit themselves to peace and humane political campaigns that are supervised by a credible electoral supervisory body. The supervisory body could also be tasked with the mandate to report, monitor and investigate cases of political violence and irregularities.\par
Closely akin to the above is the need for political will on serious eradication of bases and violence in local communities. It all requires the commitment on the part of the national president to make a firm statement based on principles. During the 2008 March elections in Zimbabwe, former President Mugabe made a firm commitment to a violence-free election and indeed, not a single case of violence was recorded.\par
The study also recommends the adoption of emotional, behavioural and educational therapies that seek to teach strategies to self-protect and the teaching of parenting and coping skills. This follows a realisation that most of the families and communities that are affected by base violence find it hard to restore to original conditions and possibly move forward. They fail to accept, reconcile, rebuild and move on constructively. There is a need for mental health assessments in-order to shape interventions that are expected to benefit the youths in as far as economic empowerment and their general social growth are concerned. The study recommends that especially post-some of these conflicts, policy formulation could also focus on the health of the youth and equally insert some clauses that protect vulnerable youths from abusive political, economic and social processes. Responsible political parties could also be held responsible for the health and welfare of the affected youths and respective communities. 
\section[{XII. Conclusion}]{XII. Conclusion}\par
The study concludes that youth involvement in political base violence may not be coming to an end anytime soon given the excitement and derivables that the participants do get. While studies like this one seem to be establishing some of the negative effects of the violence, the youths see nothing in that regard. Actually, they do not think that whatever befalls one generation may affect them in any way.\par
The study has identified some of the traits and behaviours that were prominent in most youths who have participated in base violence. It concludes that some of the traits and behaviours may be generalisable across all the youths who partake in such processes given the same conditions. It also concludes that youth violence remains a question of the mind especially in the youths who are able to incite each other into enjoying the act and further motivate themselves by way of material and sexual benefits. This is evident in that as soon as they disperse, the morale is gone and the motivation also goes. What however remains in the youth is a lot of respect for either the elders or anyone deemed capable of giving them anything valuable like alcohol, food, money or cigarettes.\par
The study concludes that most of the youths who join political bases and their respective violence are those from poor families who have no other means to materially, financially or ideologically support political programmes ahead of an election. To them, it is a question of do-or-die, having weighed means against ends and also having gotten an opportunity as outlined in the Utilitarian Theory of Rationale Choice. Well-up families just donate financially and get spared the violence and abuses.\par
The conclusions from the study submit that violence exposure results in different risks of mental distress-disorders across various societal groups. Bases in Zimbabwe have actually affected the youth psychologically and health-wise such that the reversal of the damage may be expensive and long-term. 		 		\backmatter  			  				\begin{bibitemlist}{1}
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