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\title{Motives of Internal Revolutions Phenomenon on Arab Political Regimes}
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             \author[1]{  Al-Fawwaz}

             \affil[1]{  Al-Balqa Applied University}

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\date{\small \em Received: 6 February 2012 Accepted: 4 March 2012 Published: 15 March 2012}

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\begin{abstract}
        


Internal Revolutions Phenomenon on the Arab Political Regimes is considered a compound phenomenon; that was aroused from a combined number of elements and their combination in a way that we can not assume that the cause of this phenomenon returns to one reason or an element without the other reasons or elements. We can not understand this phenomenon unless within the factors network and reasons that led to its appearance. In order to achieve the purpose of this study, a random sample of (280) individuals was selected, who represent different segments from the intellectuals and politicians, those who are active in economic, media, religious and social, in addition to the other interested people in the issue of internal revolutions from various Arab nationalities. Where as a questionnaire which consisted of (55) questions has been distributed on five main themes equally, it was discovered that the underlying political, economic, media, religious and social reasons were the most important reasons that led to the internal revolutions, where all the reasons got a positive arithmetic means. It turns out that the economic factor was one of the strongest reasons that led to the emergence of revolutions in the Arab Countries. The study also revealed that there are differences due to the impact of gender in the study sample individuals. In addition, no differences were found due to the impact of marital status on the opinions of the study sample individuals. As for the correlation among all the reasons leading to the internal revolutions, it has been shown that there is no correlation between the political reasons and religious reasons of the internal revolutions. 

\end{abstract}


\keywords{Internal Revolutions, Arab, Political Regimes.}

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\let\tabcellsep& 	 	 		 
\section[{Background}]{Background}\par
he world traces the revolutions' events that are now threatening all the existing Arab political regimes. Where the revolutions have been able to change the path of government of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya; furthermore they continue to threaten some of the political regimes in both Yemen and Syria. Where as, the revolution holds a new meaning which aims at changing the authoritarian regimes and broad sectors of the people participating in this revolution which aims are centered on three categories; combine bread, freedom and dignity.\par
of the regime and its own interests, which worked on controlling this culture and covering up their flaws, that were based on of traditional governance rules and regime's authoritarian practices against peoples  {\ref (Belkeziz,1996:81)}.\par
The concept of (Revolution) is one of the old terms that have accompanied the emergence of the state and political life since the beginning of history, however, the concept of revolution that has prevailed over other concepts, is considered the people's revolution against colonialism or authoritarian regimes, but revolution in its meaning in the language is not limited to this aspect but includes any act that leads to change the situations radically, whether they are political, economic or social.\par
Political liberalism has achieved great success in western countries after the circulation of the word "democracy" since the seventeenth century, especially after the success of the American Revolution in 1776, the French Revolution in 1789 and the establishment of many of democratic regimes in Europe.\par
However, the political regimes in various Arab countries has succeeded to a large extent in the domestication and taming many of the (educated, economic, religious, military, political parties, governmental organizations) elites, sometimes by threats and intimidation, in other times by temptation and arousal of interest, especially that the large class of these regimes rely in its authoritarian strategy on political elite as well as its counterpart the military. Additionally, some of these elites have their own interests, and their involvement in financial, administrative and political corruption, which have contributed significantly in creating of a gap between the ruling political power on the one hand and community members on the other hand , in addition to imposing the continuation of the political situations to be the same. Which caused for these elites to loose the confidence of the masses and create a sense of frustration among all the Arab peoples  {\ref (Lkrini,2008)}.\par
Moreover, some Arab countries gaining the satisfaction of foreign countries in order to maintain its survival, where they resorted to the practice of seclusion and concealment within their societies, which led to the increased dependence on the outside, in addition to reducing its sovereignty and meeting the demands of the Protecting countries and the implementation of its  
\section[{C}]{C} 
\section[{Year}]{Year}\par
Arab political regimes exercised few years ago a political culture which was directed to meet the aims policies without taking the local public opinion to ensure its legitimacy (Qaleyoon,1990:27-28).\par
Furthermore, (Modernization Theory) confirmed the need of specific conditions and requirements for the establishment and continuity of democratic political regimes, the existence of developed social and economic building was included in these conditions and characterized by the presence of a certain degree of richness and wealth, economic growth, low illiteracy rate, the emergence of strong middle class and influential, urbanization, social mobility as well as a media capable of delivering the word (Lipset,1959:69-105).\par
The political culture prevailing in the societies of the Third World, consists of a set of customs, traditions and values, which established even in the authoritarian in social relations prevailing in the society and led to the delay of democracy and prosperity in the authoritarian dictatorship rule of the societies Third World Countries(Abusada:3-5).\par
The dictatorships prevailing within a ruling political party, such as what was found in most of the third world countries, lack of the parliament role and the power of people, which led to the emergence of some educators and reformers who exclaim for the need of freedom from authoritarian regimes.\par
The dictatorial regimes characterizes in addition to its dependence on a small group in the ruling through ruling party, by depending on the suppression of political opposition and not to allowing it to express its opinions. In many cases, the dictatorship governments declare that the opposition parties are considered illegal parties and since the opposition is illegal, which leaves room for dictatorship governments to rely on the army and secret police in suppressing all forms of opposition.\par
There is a tendency that determines the legitimacy of political violence and its legitimacy which was based on the nature of political regimes. In the countries of political pluralism, violence practiced by citizens or certain categories is considered an illegal use of force, for it represents a breach of the law, surpassing the intermediary institutions that organize the relationship between the ruler and the ruled. While legal violence is only practiced by the State and it must be within the law. In authoritarian and coercive regimes, the practice of violence by citizens is considered lawful and legitimate due to the lack of effective legal channels for participation in power or changing it  {\ref (Miller,1984:}. 401-419). 
\section[{II. Study Questions}]{II. Study Questions}\par
1. What are the main reasons leading to the internal revolutions on Arab political regimes? 2. What are the strongest reasons that led to the emergence of internal revolutions on the Arab political regimes?\par
3. Are there statistical significances due to the impact of sex and marital status on the opinions of the study sample individuals about the reasons leading to the internal revolutions? 4. Is there a correlation between all the reasons leading to the internal revolutions? 
\section[{III. Study Hypotheses}]{III. Study Hypotheses}\par
1. The most important reasons of internal revolutions are: "economic reasons" (3.90), "political reasons" (3.75)," media reasons "(3.67), "religious reasons" (3.67), "social reasons" (3.52) and all of these got positive arithmetic means ranged between (3.52-3.90), the total mean of the internal revolutions' reasons is (3.72). 2. The economic factor turns to be one of the strongest reasons that led to the emergence of revolutions in the Arab countries, arithmetic means ranged between  {\ref (3.21-4.40)}, where the item "the prevalence of unemployment and the lack of employment opportunities" received the top, and the item "the emergence of globalization phenomenon and economic opening-up policies", got the lowest, the total mean is (3.90), which is a positive arithmetic mean. 3. There are differences due to the impact of sex on the opinions of study sample individuals about the economic and social reasons, and the reasons as a whole leading to the internal revolutions, where the females' views are greater. Regarding marital status, the study showed that there are no differences in the views of study sample individuals. 4. There is no relationship between political and religious reasons of internal revolutions. 
\section[{IV. Method and Procedures:}]{IV. Method and Procedures:}\par
The method and procedures of study included a description of statistical processing that will be used in the analysis of data and extracting the results. The researcher used the descriptive analytical method (SPSS) to achieve the objectives of the study and to answer the first and second questions. The researcher used tests for independent samples (Independent Sample T-test) to answer the third question. To answer the fourth question Pearson correlation test was used (Pearson Correlation).\par
Questionnaire's items are (55) items distributed on five main axes equally and by \hyperref[b10]{(11)} items for each axis and study tools are built like Likert Five Point Scale and they are the following: very large degree, large degree, medium degree, low degree, very low degree, They are represented in numbers by the following scores, respectively: (5.4, 3, 2.1).\par
The researcher showed the study tools that have been built to arbitrators from faculty members who specialize in measurement and evaluation; to detect the C Year validity of the questionnaire's items, their relevance in terms of language, clarity of the items and the extent to which the item is related to its domain. After retrieving the questionnaires from the arbitration committee, the researcher wrote down of arbitrators' views about every item and adopting each item got 75\% or more of the arbitrators' consensus on its suitability, modifying or reformulating it, so these tools became in their final form. 
\section[{V. Study Individuals}]{V. Study Individuals}\par
Questionnaire items distributed on intellectuals and activists in the political, economic, media, religious and social domains from different Arab nationalities, representing a category follows-up and is interested in the issue of internal revolutions in the Arab world. The study chose a group of people numbered (280) individuals, were randomly selected (see Table \hyperref[tab_0]{1}).  
\section[{Total}]{Total} 
\section[{VI. Study Importance}]{VI. Study Importance}\par
The importance of this study is related to its subject novelty and development dramatically among the Arab Peoples and what it includes of quick reactions that have a profound impact and strong in the diversion of the Arab regimes towards overall reform process after the broken down of some of the political regimes in some Arab countries. This study addresses the most important reasons that led to the internal revolutions to be an example and role model for all political decisionmakers, as well as taking the preventive role in a civilized and democratic manner to deal with these crises in the future. 
\section[{VII. Study Objectives}]{VII. Study Objectives}\par
1. Introducing a recent study in the development and escalation of the phenomenon of internal revolutions in light of the failure of some Arab countries leaders. 2. Knowing the reasons behind the outbreak of internal revolutions against Arab political regimes. 3. Providing successful and alternative means about using political violence against the peoples.\par
4. Realizing the real democracy value and exercising it correctly. 5. Realizing the meaning of public freedoms and its role in changing the course of the regime rule in the Arab world. 6. Focusing on the need to respect Arab human rights, protecting his dignity and providing decent life for the peoples. 
\section[{VIII. Previous Studies (Literature)}]{VIII. Previous Studies (Literature)}\par
The emergence of the political thought helped John Locke, Muntesiko and Jan Jacque Rousseau on the development of the democracy concept through John Locke's invitation to limit the powers of the monarchy and his interest of public freedoms. As well as Muntesiko has been first to call for the separation of powers, by making each body of the three governmental bodies to comply with specific function and without interfering with other bodies' affairs, which leads to ensure the rights of citizens and respect their freedoms. While Jan Jacque Rousseau considered that the general will is the source of sovereignty in the state, not the ruler or the king power.  
\section[{Year}]{Year}\par
Max Feber thinks that the possession of any political regime of power and ability, not enough to stabilize it for a long time because the relationship between the ruler and ruled concerned, unstable and the source of the weakness of the existing regime and when the people convinced of the efficiently of the existing power and its eligibility in government it will reach the essence of legitimacy, this (Legitimacy) is the basis of the continuation of the regime. The relationship between Arab political regimes and their peoples appeared to be based on suspicion and fear. Arab regimes surrounded themselves by security forces, armies and special guard forces spending on them more than spending on development projects and modernization for their peoples (Bassiouni, 1996:54) .\par
Louis Althusser, assure that peoples rise up in search of full sovereignty against fatherhood and authoritarian regimes and sacrifice the safety, tranquility and life and exposing themselves to the need, death and the decline in order to get rid of slavery, insult, tyranny and injustice and what they earn from behind this is prevalence, glory and freedom, in order to make regimes run in a democratic manner and through the election and selection \hyperref[b7]{(Althusser, 2006)}.\par
Al-Hamalawy says if there is no plan to manage the crisis and end it in the way you want, so the crisis will end itself in the way it wants and not in the way that we want. 9 political writer, Choral Bill says that when we try to study crisis manage it, we find only two ways not three, either to go back to an experience has had on the ground and we still have experience its results or to fabricate fictional assumptions that do not have reality in fact did not tested yet and when choosing, the first option is unquestionably the right(Al-Hamalawy,1997:16).\par
Tanter and Ullman say that the concept of crisis returns back to the history of Greek medicine and it means (turning point) in the course of the disease after that the patient's health may improve, and end up to recovery or end in death, like heart attack (Tanter\& Ullman,1972:126 ). Al-Khudairi points that the crisis is a critical decisive moment, regarding the source of the management entity, which suffered of it. It forms a hard difficulty to deal with for the decision makers and make them very confused in decision-making in light of lack of knowledge, uncertainty and reasons and results mixing(Khudairi,2012: 76).\par
Joseph Lapalmbara says that the problem of distributive justice refers to a defect in the estimated distribution of the political regime. This defect takes the form of a widening gap between the distributive demands on the one hand and the regime's ability to respond to them on the other hand. This defect stems from two sources: First: Lack of wealth sources, commodities and material services i.e. the values disputed among members of society and hence the importance of economic development appears. The second is: Lack of justice in wealth distribution and valuable things among different social classes and its groups, due to inefficiency of distributive policies and their bias in favor of groups without others, and hence comes the importance of changing the foundations of the distribution process (Lapalmbara, 1971:233-281).\par
Beitz states that political regimes differ in their policies towards distribution crisis, in any solution to the distribution crisis comes only through the regime pursuit to increase production through the completion of positive changes in production methods, structures and relations. In addition, to ensure a minimum level of equitable distribution of it among the various groups and society sectors at the same time, so as to satisfy the basic needs of citizens, especially those with lowincome(Beitz, 1981:321-345).\par
Both Morrison and Stevenson confirm the positive relationship between the spread of education and increasing acts of violence, through their study that they conducted on a number of African countries and Latin American countries in order to determine the social and political requirements for political stability in these countries  {\ref (Morrison \& Stevenson,1974:252-263)}.\par
Hoseltiz confirmed that the spread of education and what resulted from it of the emergence of new patterns of political awareness and social movement, leading to increased likelihood of political violence, especially when the regime do not have the capacity and flexibility to create new job opportunities for graduates and to respond and adapt to new demands arising from the educational process( Hoseltiz, 1965:61).\par
Medela Reski concluded from his study about the relationship between scarcity and inequality on the one hand and the popular revolutions on the other hand. While, the probabilities of revolutionary violence have increased in countries that suffer from a scarcity in agricultural land and inequality in distributing; with the observation that the problem of inequality is exacerbating with the increasing number of population \hyperref[b16]{(Midlarslky, 1982)}.\par
Abdulfattah presented a study showing the changing roles of the armies at the stage of Arab revolutions, which answers questions about the possibility of changing this interfering role of these armies during the next phase and turning them to guarding armies of the political process without interference in directing their tracks, particularly since these revolutions have raised the slogan of democracy and civil state(Abdulfattah ,2011:7-10). From the previous table we note that the items that represent political reasons of internal revolutions got positive arithmetic means ranged (3.22-4.08), where the item "Removing competencies from political action and the monopoly of top jobs" received the top one and the item "The absence of parties' role of and the opposition in the political reform process" got the lowest, the total average is (3.75), which is a positive arithmetic mean. 
\section[{IX. Results Analysis}]{IX. Results Analysis}\par
ii. The Second Axis: Economic reasons of internal revolutions:  
\section[{Year}]{Year}\par
From the previous table we note that the items that represent economical reasons of internal revolutions got positive arithmetic means ranged  {\ref (3.21-4.40)}, where the item " Prevalence of unemployment and the failure to provide job opportunities " received the top one and the item " Emergence of globalization phenomenon and economic openness policies " got the lowest one, the total average is (3.90), which is a positive arithmetic mean.  From the previous table we note that the items that represent political reasons of internal revolutions got positive arithmetic means ranged (3.22-4.08), where the item "Removing competencies from political action and the monopoly of top jobs" received the top one and the item "The absence of parties' role of and the opposition in the political reform process" got the lowest, the total average is (3.75), which is a positive arithmetic mean.\par
From the previous table we note that the items that represent religious reasons of internal revolutions got positive arithmetic means ranged  {\ref (3.19-3.89)}, where the item " Lack of Arab regimes commitment of Islamic Sharia" got the top one and the item " Clergy's desire to dominate regime " got the lowest, the total average is (3.67) which is a positive arithmetic mean.\par
iii.\par
The Third Axis : Media reasons of internal revolutions v. The Fifth Axis: Social reasons of internal revolutions: From the previous table we note that the items that represent social reasons of internal revolutions got positive arithmetic means ranged  {\ref (3.35-4.56)}, where the item "Spread of nepotism and favoritism in Arab societies" got the top one and item "State's adopting of average is (3.52), which is a positive arithmetic mean. b) Second Question: What are the strongest reasons that led to the emergence of internal revolutions on the Arab political regimes?\par
To answer the second question Arithmetic means, standard deviations and percentages of study axes are calculated and the following table shows that:\par
From the previous table we note that the reasons presented as a reason of internal revolutions all of them got positive arithmetic means ranged (3.52-3.90) and reasons ranked as the following "economic reasons" (3.90), "political reasons" (3.75)," media reasons "(3.67), "religious reasons" (3.67) and "social reasons" (3.52), the total mean of internal revolutions is (3.72). c) Third Question:\par
Are there statistical significances due to the impact of sex and marital status at significance level less than (0.05) on the opinions of the study sample individuals about the reasons leading to the internal revolutions?\par
Table  {\ref 8} : T -results of independent samples of effect of sex test on the answer, where we note that sex has the effect on economic and social reasons as well as for reasons combined as a, where the results were greater for females. A -To answer the study question on the impact of sex, T-test for independent samples is used (Independent Sample T-test), where T values are not statistically significant at a level less than (0.05) for the political, media and religious reasons of the revolutions and they are statistically significant at a lower level of (0.05) for the economic and social reasons as well as for reasons combined as a whole, which indicates that there are differences due to the impact of sex at the significance level less than (0.05) on the opinions of the study sample individuals on the reasons leading to the internal revolutions in the Arab world, where the views are greater for females individuals on the reasons leading to the internal revolutions in the Arab world. 
\section[{Std. Deviation}]{Std. Deviation}\par
B -To answer the study question on the impact of marital status, T-test for independent samples is used (Independent Sample T-test), where T values are not statistically significant at a level less than (0.05) for the political, media, religious economic and social reasons of the revolutions, which indicates that there are differences due to the impact of marital status at a significance level less than (0.05) on the opinions of the study sample. d) Fourth Question: Is there a correlation between all the reasons leading to the internal revolutions?\par
To answer the study question Pearson Correlation Test (Pearson Correlation) is used, it is found that there is no relationship between the political and religious reasons of the internal revolutions.  
\section[{X. Conclusion and recommendations}]{X. Conclusion and recommendations}\par
The study presents the reality of the Arab regimes ruling for their people, which describes the most important reasons behind the collapse of the regimes in some Arab countries which continued to rule for many years. The study revealed the errors of the regimes and their methods of exercising their policies against their peoples, prompting the Arab people to get out of the ordinary and remove from power their countries' rulers, in light of Arab regimes' failure in building political and economic balance with their peoples and the absence of democracy manifestations. This study also focused on the concept of revolutions, their development stages, the emergence of political, economic, social, religious and media elites which calls for reforms and change in the regimes, Arab regimes, known as (the Arab Spring) under the spread of means of communication and speed of information access.\par
Through the study of the internal revolutions phenomenon on the Arab political regimes, we find that they came as a result of the regimes' failure in achieving the objectives of the Arab nation and its aspirations towards freedom, independence and dignity. Thus these Arab regimes have failed politically, economically, security and socially; because of wrongful conduct in the usurpation of power by the people and systematic corruption and adherence to self-interests in order to achieve special objectives of the owners of power and money and the monopoly of power, public office and positions in the Arab world at the expense of their peoples. Arab political regimes must recognize the need to accelerate the comprehensive reforms in all areas.  This study recommends the following :\par
1. Preparation for amending the regimes procedures on the basis of free, fair, competitive and periodic elections on all government executive and legislative positions as well as strengthening the judicial system and its independence of any intervention. 2. Fighting all types of financial and administrative corruption and the necessity for multiple centers of decision-making, including means of parliamentary accountability and administrative transparency. 3. Respecting citizens' rights, freedoms and their dignity, in addition to reject all kinds of violations against humanity. 4. Removing all restrictions on media and interest in freedom of individual, collective and media expression in the diffusion of events and facts about national issues. 5. Establishing the concept of democracy, respect and acceptance from all segments of the political forces in Arab countries. Moreover, promoting comprehensive development, social justice, equality, principle of equal opportunity and respecting religious and ethnic minorities. 6. Focusing that the nation is the source of authority and rejecting the domination and oppression policy against peoples by using armies and security institutions. 7. Providing the principle of distributive justice for all categories of society and non-bias to certain elites. 8. Supporting the concept of citizenship and strengthening the relationship between the ruler and the ruled. \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{2}\includegraphics[]{image-2.png}
\caption{\label{fig_3}Table 2 :}\end{figure}
    \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{1} \par 
\begin{longtable}{P{0.19356435643564357\textwidth}P{0.3113861386138614\textwidth}P{0.14587458745874587\textwidth}P{0.19917491749174918\textwidth}}
Variable\tabcellsep Category\tabcellsep Frequency\tabcellsep Percent\\
\tabcellsep Male\tabcellsep 153\tabcellsep 54.6\\
Gender\tabcellsep Female\tabcellsep 127\tabcellsep 45.4\\
\tabcellsep Single\tabcellsep 174\tabcellsep 62.1\\
Marital Status\tabcellsep Married\tabcellsep 106\tabcellsep 37.9\\
Scientific Qualification\tabcellsep Intermediate Diploma\tabcellsep 30\tabcellsep 10.7\\
\tabcellsep BA\tabcellsep 172\tabcellsep 61.4\\
\tabcellsep Master\tabcellsep 36\tabcellsep 12.9\\
\tabcellsep Ph.D.\tabcellsep 42\tabcellsep 15\\
\tabcellsep City\tabcellsep 123\tabcellsep 43.9\\
Residence Area\tabcellsep Village\tabcellsep 68\tabcellsep 24.3\\
\tabcellsep Desert\tabcellsep 46\tabcellsep 16.4\\
\tabcellsep Camp\tabcellsep 43\tabcellsep 15.4\\
\tabcellsep 20-29\tabcellsep 111\tabcellsep 39.6\\
Age\tabcellsep 30-39\tabcellsep 106\tabcellsep 37.9\\
\tabcellsep 40-49\tabcellsep 46\tabcellsep 16.4\\
\tabcellsep 50 and over\tabcellsep 17\tabcellsep 6.1\\
\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 280\tabcellsep 100\end{longtable} \par
 
\caption{\label{tab_0}Table 1 :}\end{figure}
 \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{3} \par 
\begin{longtable}{P{0.6494981179422835\textwidth}P{0.05545796737766624\textwidth}P{0.07892095357590966\textwidth}P{0.06612296110414052\textwidth}}
Economic Reasons\tabcellsep Mean\tabcellsep Std. Deviation\tabcellsep \%\\
Prevalence of unemployment and the failure to provide job opportunities\tabcellsep 4.40\tabcellsep 0.760\tabcellsep 88.00\\
Emergence of financial and administrative corruption\tabcellsep 4.30\tabcellsep 0.799\tabcellsep 86.00\\
Rising of commodity prices and products\tabcellsep 4.20\tabcellsep 0.853\tabcellsep 84.00\\
Falling of workers' salaries and wages\tabcellsep 4.07\tabcellsep 0.907\tabcellsep 81.40\\
Increasing fees and taxes on the citizens\tabcellsep 4.04\tabcellsep 0.909\tabcellsep 80.80\\
Widespread of poverty and emergence of famine\tabcellsep 4.03\tabcellsep 0.976\tabcellsep 80.60\\
Exploitation of state's sources and its monopoly in favor of the powerful\tabcellsep 4.02\tabcellsep 0.759\tabcellsep 80.40\\
Lack of transparency to maintain public money\tabcellsep 3.65\tabcellsep 0.915\tabcellsep 73.00\\
Weakness of development process and economic reform\tabcellsep 3.55\tabcellsep 1.042\tabcellsep 71.00\\
Import and export monopoly in favor the benefit of the powerful\tabcellsep 3.47\tabcellsep 0.942\tabcellsep 69.40\\
Emergence of globalization phenomenon and economic openness policies\tabcellsep 3.21\tabcellsep 1.194\tabcellsep 64.20\\
Average\tabcellsep 3.90\tabcellsep 0.537\tabcellsep 78.00\end{longtable} \par
 
\caption{\label{tab_1}Table 3 :}\end{figure}
 \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{4} \par 
\begin{longtable}{P{0.6493055555555555\textwidth}P{0.055808080808080814\textwidth}P{0.0783459595959596\textwidth}P{0.06654040404040404\textwidth}}
Media Reasons\tabcellsep Mean\tabcellsep Std.\tabcellsep \%\\
\tabcellsep \tabcellsep Deviation\tabcellsep \\
Spread of satellite media\tabcellsep 3.95\tabcellsep 1.085\tabcellsep 79.00\\
Governments follow policies of repression and media blackout\tabcellsep 3.89\tabcellsep 0.944\tabcellsep 77.80\\
Lack of transparency and credibility of the local media\tabcellsep 3.87\tabcellsep 0.972\tabcellsep 77.40\\
Lack of control over the electronic media\tabcellsep 3.85\tabcellsep 1.177\tabcellsep 77.00\\
Not exercising freedom of opinion and imposing restrictive laws\tabcellsep 3.71\tabcellsep 1.012\tabcellsep 74.20\\
Government control over local media\tabcellsep 3.63\tabcellsep 1.123\tabcellsep 72.60\\
Knowledge and knowing of electronic communication means\tabcellsep 3.59\tabcellsep 1.063\tabcellsep 71.80\\
Ease of information access and its spread\tabcellsep 3.56\tabcellsep 1.214\tabcellsep 71.20\\
Spread of community awareness in the search for information\tabcellsep 3.54\tabcellsep 1.158\tabcellsep 70.80\\
Inefficiency of local media\tabcellsep 3.43\tabcellsep 1.111\tabcellsep 68.60\\
Sincerity and diversity of information through satellite media\tabcellsep 3.30\tabcellsep 1.229\tabcellsep 66.00\\
Average\tabcellsep 3.67\tabcellsep 1.099\tabcellsep 73.40\\
iv. The Fourth Axis:\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \\
Religious reasons of internal revolutions:\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \end{longtable} \par
 
\caption{\label{tab_2}Table 4 :}\end{figure}
 \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{5} \par 
\begin{longtable}{P{0.667162471395881\textwidth}P{0.0505720823798627\textwidth}P{0.07196796338672769\textwidth}P{0.060297482837528595\textwidth}}
Religious Reasons\tabcellsep Mean\tabcellsep Std. Deviation\tabcellsep \%\\
Lack of Arab regimes commitment of Islamic Sharia\tabcellsep 3.89\tabcellsep 1.191\tabcellsep 77.80\\
Dissatisfaction of religious parties on government performance\tabcellsep 3.82\tabcellsep 0.994\tabcellsep 76.40\\
Clergy's desire to participate in political decision-making\tabcellsep 3.57\tabcellsep 1.114\tabcellsep 71.40\\
Incompatibility of clergy with legal legislations\tabcellsep 3.51\tabcellsep 0.894\tabcellsep 70.20\\
Emergence of influential religious blocs on the public opinion\tabcellsep 3.50\tabcellsep 1.117\tabcellsep 70.00\\
Clergy's rejection of the State's liberal regimes\tabcellsep 3.48\tabcellsep 1.047\tabcellsep 69.60\\
Clergy's Invitation to change and reform\tabcellsep 3.46\tabcellsep 1.138\tabcellsep 69.20\\
Clergy's refusal to followers of profitability capitalist systems or regimes\tabcellsep 3.45\tabcellsep 1.080\tabcellsep 69.00\\
Unwillingness of political parties and religious blocs about entrance of Arab\tabcellsep 3.44\tabcellsep 1.217\tabcellsep 68.80\\
regimes in alliances and treaties with western countries\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \\
Clergy's disharmony with cultural openness policy\tabcellsep 3.41\tabcellsep 1.185\tabcellsep 68.20\\
Clergy's desire to dominate regime\tabcellsep 3.19\tabcellsep 1.305\tabcellsep 63.80\\
Average\tabcellsep 3.67\tabcellsep 0.538\tabcellsep 73.40\end{longtable} \par
 
\caption{\label{tab_3}Table 5 :}\end{figure}
 \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{6} \par 
\begin{longtable}{P{0.6313953488372093\textwidth}P{0.06046511627906977\textwidth}P{0.08604651162790697\textwidth}P{0.07209302325581395\textwidth}}
Social Reasons\tabcellsep Mean\tabcellsep Std. Deviation\tabcellsep \%\\
Spread of nepotism and favoritism in Arab societies\tabcellsep 4.56\tabcellsep 0.868\tabcellsep 91.20\\
Absence of justice and social equality\tabcellsep 4.10\tabcellsep 0.958\tabcellsep 82.00\\
Existence of differences among society classes and hegemony of the rich to the\tabcellsep 4.07\tabcellsep 0.951\tabcellsep 81.40\\
poor\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \\
Poor service delivery and its organization (infrastructure)\tabcellsep 3.84\tabcellsep 0.919\tabcellsep 76.80\\
Lack of representation of social groups in power\tabcellsep 3.67\tabcellsep 1.101\tabcellsep 73.40\\
Absence of educational sector development\tabcellsep 3.62\tabcellsep 1.087\tabcellsep 72.40\\
Poor health services\tabcellsep 3.62\tabcellsep 1.078\tabcellsep 72.40\\
Lack of interest in local community institutions\tabcellsep 3.54\tabcellsep 0.983\tabcellsep 70.80\\
Spreading social discrimination culture\tabcellsep 3.51\tabcellsep 1.274\tabcellsep 70.20\\
Absence of solidarity and social solidarity\tabcellsep 3.47\tabcellsep 0.998\tabcellsep 69.40\\
State's adopting of racial discrimination / sectarian\tabcellsep 3.35\tabcellsep 1.227\tabcellsep 67.00\\
Average\tabcellsep 3.52\tabcellsep 0.585\tabcellsep 70.40\end{longtable} \par
 
\caption{\label{tab_4}Table 6 :}\end{figure}
 \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{7} \par 
\begin{longtable}{P{0.4145320197044335\textwidth}P{0.11724137931034483\textwidth}P{0.18423645320197046\textwidth}P{0.13399014778325122\textwidth}}
Axis\tabcellsep Mean\tabcellsep Std. Deviation\tabcellsep \%\\
Economic reasons\tabcellsep 3.90\tabcellsep 0.537\tabcellsep 78.00\\
Political reasons\tabcellsep 3.75\tabcellsep 0.475\tabcellsep 75.00\\
Media reasons\tabcellsep 3.67\tabcellsep 1.099\tabcellsep 73.40\\
Religious reasons\tabcellsep 3.67\tabcellsep 0.585\tabcellsep 73.40\\
Social reasons\tabcellsep 3.52\tabcellsep 0.585\tabcellsep 74.40\\
Reasons as a whole\tabcellsep 3.72\tabcellsep 0.364\tabcellsep 74.40\end{longtable} \par
  {\small\itshape [Note: CYear]} 
\caption{\label{tab_5}Table 7 :}\end{figure}
 \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{9} \par 
\begin{longtable}{P{0.016079105760963025\textwidth}P{0.3405846947549441\textwidth}P{0.056276870163370595\textwidth}P{0.01534823731728289\textwidth}P{0.024118658641444538\textwidth}P{0.054815133276010314\textwidth}P{0.09793637145313842\textwidth}P{0.05993121238177128\textwidth}P{0.00292347377472055\textwidth}P{0.08551160791057609\textwidth}P{0.09647463456577815\textwidth}}
\tabcellsep \multicolumn{9}{l}{Motives of Internal Revolutions Phenomenon on Arab Political Regimes}\\
\tabcellsep \tabcellsep T\tabcellsep df\tabcellsep \multicolumn{2}{l}{Sig.(2-tailed}\tabcellsep Sex\tabcellsep N\tabcellsep \multicolumn{2}{l}{Mean}\\
\tabcellsep Political reasons of internal revolutions\tabcellsep -1.247 -\tabcellsep 278\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 0.213\tabcellsep Male\tabcellsep 153\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.72\tabcellsep 0.518\\
\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep Female\tabcellsep 127\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.79\tabcellsep 0.416\\
\tabcellsep Economic reasons of internal\tabcellsep -2.333 -\tabcellsep 278\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 0.02 *\tabcellsep Male\tabcellsep 153\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.83\tabcellsep 0.576\\
2012\tabcellsep revolutions Media reasons of internal revolutions\tabcellsep -1.223 -\tabcellsep 278\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 0.222\tabcellsep Female Male\tabcellsep 127 153\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.98 3.63\tabcellsep 0.475 0.585\\
Year\tabcellsep Religious reasons of internal revolutions\tabcellsep -.354 -\tabcellsep 278\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 0.724\tabcellsep Female Male\tabcellsep 127 153\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.71 3.51\tabcellsep 0.473 0.643\\
72\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep Female\tabcellsep 127\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.53\tabcellsep 0.509\\
\tabcellsep Social reasons of internal revolutions\tabcellsep -2.771 -\tabcellsep 276\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 0.006*\tabcellsep Male\tabcellsep 151\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.67\tabcellsep 0.635\\
\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep Female\tabcellsep 127\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.86\tabcellsep 0.451\\
\tabcellsep Ft\tabcellsep -2.363-\tabcellsep 278\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 0.019 *\tabcellsep Male\tabcellsep 153\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.67\tabcellsep 0.399\\
\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep Female\tabcellsep 127\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.78\tabcellsep 0.309\\
D D D D ) C\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \\
(\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \\
\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep T\tabcellsep df\tabcellsep Sig.(2-\tabcellsep Sex\tabcellsep \multicolumn{2}{l}{N}\tabcellsep Mean\tabcellsep Std.\\
\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep tailed\tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep \tabcellsep Deviation\\
\tabcellsep Political reasons of internal revolutions\tabcellsep 0.468\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 278\tabcellsep 0.64\tabcellsep Male Female\tabcellsep 174 106\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.76 3.73\tabcellsep 0.498 0.435\\
\tabcellsep Economic reasons of internal revolutions\tabcellsep 0.086\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 278\tabcellsep 0.932\tabcellsep Male Female\tabcellsep 174 106\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.90 3.90\tabcellsep 0.529 0.552\\
\tabcellsep Media reasons of internal revolutions\tabcellsep 0.692\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 278\tabcellsep 0.49\tabcellsep Male Female\tabcellsep 174 106\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.68 3.64\tabcellsep 0.493 0.605\\
\tabcellsep Religious reasons of internal revolutions\tabcellsep 1.708\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 278\tabcellsep 0.089\tabcellsep Male Female\tabcellsep 174 106\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.57 3.44\tabcellsep 0.566 0.611\\
\tabcellsep Social reasons of internal revolutions\tabcellsep 0.922\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 276\tabcellsep 0.357\tabcellsep Male Female\tabcellsep 173 105\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.78 3.72\tabcellsep 0.569 0.560\\
\tabcellsep Ft\tabcellsep 1.191\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 278\tabcellsep 0.235\tabcellsep Male Female\tabcellsep 174 106\tabcellsep \tabcellsep 3.74 3.69\tabcellsep 0.340 0.398\end{longtable} \par
 
\caption{\label{tab_6}Table 9 :}\end{figure}
 \begin{figure}[htbp]
\noindent\textbf{10} \par 
\begin{longtable}{}
\end{longtable} \par
 
\caption{\label{tab_7}Table 10 :}\end{figure}
 			\footnote{© 2012 Global Journals Inc. (US)} 			\footnote{© 2012 Global Journals Inc. (US)} 			\footnote{© 2012 Global Journals Inc. (US)} 			\footnote{© 2012 Global Journals Inc. (US)} 			\footnote{© 2012 Global Journals Inc. (US)} 		 		\backmatter  			  				\begin{bibitemlist}{1}
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\end{document}
